E-government e participação política em Portugal

Dissertação de Mestrado em MPA - Administração Pública

La Comissió Jurídica Assessora i l'autonomia de Catalunya durant la Segona República: la creació del sistema polític i institucional d'autogovern

[cat] La tesi que es defensa en aquest article és la posició de centralitat que va tenir la Comissió Jurídica Assessora durant el període de la Generalitat republicana en la creació i la configuració del sistema polític i institucional d'autogovern a Catalunya. Per a demostrar aquesta tesi s'analitzen els avantprojectes de llei que va elaborar durant aquest període la Comissió Jurídica Assessora: la Constitució o Estatut interior, la Llei municipal, el Tribunal de Cassació de Catalunya i els recursos en les vies governativa i contenciosa administrativa. L'anàlisi d'aquests avantprojectes posa en relleu com durant aquest període es van forjar les institucions d'autogovern, es van posar les bases de la democràcia i de l'autonomia local, com també es va crear una jurisdicció contenciosa administrativa pròpia. L'avantprojecte de llei de recursos en les vies governativa i contenciosa administrativa serà un precedent rellevant, però oblidat, de les lleis estatals sobre procediment administratiu i jurisdicció contenciosa administrativa. En definitiva, el sistema polític i institucional català que hi ha en l'actualitat no podria entendre's sense els antecedents de la Generalitat republicana que, recollint la legitimació històrica de les institucions medievals, van saber configurar les bases d'un sistema adaptat a les necessitats de la societat contemporània.

The Right to Freedom of Information in Inida

This thesis entitled “The right to freedom of information in india”.In a democracy, the citizens being the persons to choose their own governors, the right to know from the Government is a pre-condition for a properly evaluated election. Freedom of speech and expression, one of the repositories of self~government, forms the basis for the right to know in a wider scale. The functions which the free speech rights serve in a society also emphasize the need for more openness in the functioning of a democracy.Maintanance of law and order and investigation of crimes are highly important in a country like India, where no risk may be taken on account of the public‘s right to know. The Indian situations relating terrorist activities, riots based on language, region, religion and caste are important in this respect. The right to know of the citizens may be regulated in the interests of secrecy required in these areas.On the basis of the conclusions reached in this study, a draft Bill has been proposed for the passing of an Access to Public Documents Act. This Bill is appended to this Thesis.

Como el agua entre los dedos. Estudio de los impactos de un proyecto hidroeléctrico, y de las frágiles y débiles acciones colectivas en la defensa de un río: Caso Hidrosogamoso

La acción colectiva en el manejo y gobierno de los recursos de uso común (RUC) seguirá siendo uno de los asuntos que genera mayores controversias (especialmente cuando se trata de recursos naturales y procesos de gobernanza y gestión del agua), debido a los diversos enfoques que sobre el desarrollo se tienen. El presente estudio aborda el análisis de la acción colectiva en el manejo y gobierno de los recursos de uso común a partir del caso Hidrosogamoso en Santander. Además de ofrecer un análisis de los impactos ambientales, sociales y económicos, ventajas y efectos nocivos que puede tener un proyecto hidroeléctrico, se examinan algunos de los postulados básicos de la teoría de la acción colectiva y los RUC, con alguna alusión al enfoque de la bioeconomía. También se describe una de las experiencias comunitarias de autogobierno y preservación del río. Asimismo se estudia el contexto de interacción estratégica en la zona, en el conflicto entre quienes defienden el río y quienes abogan por el proyecto; se ubican las principales oportunidades políticas y aliados influyentes de los opositores durante la fase de construcción de la hidroeléctrica. Al final se insinúan posibles alternativas que podrían ayudar en la visibilización de las problemáticas generadas por el megaproyecto.

Els serveis socials a Catalunya. Una visió històrica

Es tracta d'una investigació historiogràfica de caràcter exploratori del fenomen dels serveis socials a Catalunya. La principal novetat de l'estudi resideix en l'enfocament històric, realitzat a partir de l'anàlisi institucional, normatiu i de les polítiques de serveis socials, centrat bàsicament en el territori català. El treball s'ha estructurat en tres partes. La primera, dedicada al projecte d'investigació, tracta del marc de referència, on es presenten unes reflexions inicials, s'efectuen unes precisions sobre la utilització dels termes i el mètode i es tracta de l'objecte d'estudi. A continuació es determina el tipus d'investigació i es delimita l'àmbit territorial i cronològic. En tercer lloc, s'estableix el marc teòric de referència i es formulen les principals qüestions i consideracions plantejades a l'entorn de la problemàtica d'estudi i el darrer apartat es refereix als mètodes i tècniques emprades, fent una especial referència a les dificultats sorgides en l'aplicació del mètode comparatiu i l'observació i, finalment, es concreten les dimensions operatives i les fonts documentals. Atesa la complexitat i la importància que tenia per a la investigació, es dedica íntegrament el capítol segon a l'establiment d'un marc de referència relatiu als conceptes tècnic i jurídic dels serveis socials, així com a altres termes propers, como la caritat, la beneficència, l'assistència social, l'acció social, la seguretat social o el treball social, entre altres. Al final es presenta una definició operativa per a utilitzar en el transcurs del treball. La segona part, que es titula "Una visió històrica de los serveis socials a Catalunya", es refereix pròpiament a la investigació. El primer capítol tracta dels antecedents, que s'inicien amb la pobresa i la caritat medievals, es revisen, després, les aportacions del Renaixement i els canvis produïts al final del absolutisme, així com els derivats de la industrialització, incloent les realitzacions de la Mancomunitat de Catalunya i de la Generalitat republicana, i, finalment, es revisa l'etapa franquista, tant les actuacions públiques com les innovadores experiències cíviques. El segon capítol es centra en l'etapa de la transició, quan es produeix la gestació dels serveis socials de la democràcia, on es tracta del paper desenvolupat per la iniciativa social i la Generalitat provisional, i s'analitza el tractament dels serveis socials en la Constitució espanyola i l'Estatut d'autonomia de Catalunya. El següent capítol es dedica a la dècada dels vuitanta i s'exposen les actuacions dels primers ajuntaments democràtics i la constitució i estructuració de la Generalitat autonòmica, així com les transferències rebudes de l'Estat i de la Seguretat Social en aquesta matèria. S'analitza la definició, l'estructuració i l'organització dels serveis a través de les principals lleis i reglaments que els regulen. En el capítol quart es tracta la dècada següent, on es produeixen transformacions remarcables. S'analitzen els significats dels canvis que es situen des de la fase excepcional de consens fins a una altra de certa normalitat democràtica. Es revisen els aspectes i les novetats principals, com la creació del Departament de Benestar Social, la Llei 4/1994 i els debats i plans d'actuació del mundo local, especialment les repercussions de les reformes organitzatives i les de les lleis territorials catalanes: creació de les comarques, la reducció del paper de les diputacions i la redistribució competencial local. Finalment, es constata el fort creixement dels serveis socials i la seva consolidació en el territori. A la tercera part es presenten les conclusions i consideracions referents a les qüestions plantejades inicialment en el projecte d'investigació. El darrer apartat es dedica a la bibliografia i els annexos.

Materiality, subjectification, and government: the geographies of Britain's Motorway Code

In this paper I provide a critical discussion of Foucault's work on government and governmentality. I argue that geographers have tended to overlook the ways in which practices of self-government and subjectification are performed in relation to programmes of government, and suggest that they should examine the technical devices which are embedded in networks of government. Drawing upon these observations I suggest how geographers might proceed, tracing the geographies of a specific artefact: the British government's 1958 Motorway Code. I examine how the code was designed to serve as a technology of government that could shape the conduct of fairly mobile and distant subjects, enabling them to govern their conduct and the movements of their vehicles.

Autodeterminação local e desenvolvimento: uma análise da dinâmica social no município de São Roque de Minas

In this thesis, the basic research of Chase and Simon (1973) is questioned, and we seek new results by analyzing the errors of experts and beginners chess players in experiments to reproduce chess positions. Chess players with different levels of expertise participated in the study. The results were analyzed by a Brazilian grandmaster, and quantitative analysis was performed with the use of statistical methods data mining. The results challenge significantly, the current theories of expertise, memory and decision making in this area, because the present theory predicts piece on square encoding, in which players can recognize the strategic situation reproducing it faithfully, but commit several errors that the theory can¿t explain. The current theory can¿t fully explain the encoding used by players to register a board. The errors of intermediary players preserved fragments of the strategic situation, although they have committed a series of errors in the reconstruction of the positions. The encoding of chunks therefore includes more information than that predicted by current theories. Currently, research on perception, trial and decision is heavily concentrated on the idea of 'pattern recognition'. Based on the results of this research, we explore a change of perspective. The idea of 'pattern recognition' presupposes that the processing of relevant information is on 'patterns' (or data) that exist independently of any interpretation. We propose that the theory suggests the vision of decision-making via the recognition of experience.

Processo participativo da população na construção da agenda 21 local:o caso de Parnamirim

One of the agreements assumed at the conference of the United Nations for the Environments and Development which took place in Rio de Janeiro in 1992; through Global Agenda 21, was that the signatory countries would create a national Politics of sustainable development, by means of their national Agenda 21. Demonstrating the relevance of municipal districts and the local communities, during the definitions of new development standards compromised to the transformation of the society, socia1ly and environmentally well-balanced world, it was also agreed on that places under the responsibilities of the municipal districts would promote their own local Agenda 21. We need to point out though that the government has the prerogative and the responsibly of facilitating the population participation process in the construction of national and local Agenda. This made it possible again, to plan the scheming process directly towards the insertion of population participation at the different levels, involving the entire local sectors while establishing a new local partnership through the local municipal government. Thus, we decide to verify the participation of the population in the construction of their local Agenda 21, choosing for the study case Parnamirim municipality from RN. The question which originated the objectives and analysis was formulated on the following terms: Up to which stage was the process of population participation effective in the elaboration of Parnamirims's local Agenda 21? Based on this uneasiness, it was defined as the general objective, the verification of population participation process during the elaboration of Parnamirims's local Agenda 21, aiming at its effectiveness as well as specific objectives; to identify the population representivity, the construction of the local AG 21 in order to identify on which level is the participation based, to verify the strategies used in order to promote the process participation, to identify the motives guiding those involved in the construction of the local Agenda 21. This case study at Parnamirim municipal district demonstrated that there was effective population participation as far as the local Agenda 21 is concerned

BioTuCSoN: biochemical extension of TuCSoN to support self-organising coordination

Starting from pervasive computing paradigm, we want to face the new system's requirements, concerning, mainly, self-organisation, situatedness and adaptivity, through the definition and execution of nature-inspired patterns. They are extracted by the study of dynamics in biological systems and we consider for their implementation the biochemical tuple spaces model. In particular, the aim of the thesis is to design and realize a first biochemical extension of TuCSoN (technology based on tuple spaces model) and, then, to verify its capabilities by means of a proper case study, that deals with local self-organisation and competition of services in an open and highly-dynamic environment.

Legality and Human Rights: Administrative Justice in Russia 1862-1917

The question of how far pre-revolutionary Russia was from the ideal of a lawful state has received little academic attention, particularly as relates to the legal regulation of relations between person, society and state within the state administration. Pravilova explored the methods of settling disputes between individuals and the administration, and the emergence of legal controls of the administration, analysed projects for the organisation of administrative justice and studied the particular nature of concepts from Russian administrative justice. The idea of an organisation of special bodies examining complaints by private persons against the actions of officials and state bureaucratic organs first appeared in the early 1860s. In the 1870s-1890s various projects for the reform of administrative justice (reorganisation of the Senate and local administrative institutions) were proposed by the Ministries of Justice and Finance, but none of these was put into practice, largely due to resistance from the bureaucracy. At the same time, however, the rapid development of private enterprise, the activities of the zemstvo and self-government produced new norms and mechanisms for the regulation of authorities and social relations. Despite the lack of institutional conditions, the Senate did consider complaints from private persons against illegal actions by administrative officials, playing a role similar to that of the supreme administrative courts in France and Germany. The spread of concepts of a 'lawful state' aroused support for a system of administrative justice and the establishment of administrative tribunals was seen as a condition of legality and a guarantee of human rights. The government was forced to understand that measures to maintain legality were vital to preserve the stability of the system of state power, but plans for liberal reforms were pushed into the background by constitutional reforms. The idea of guarantees of human rights in relations with the authorities was in contradiction with the idea of the monarchy and it was only when the Provisional Government took power in 1917 that the liberal programme of legal reforms had any chance of being put into practice. A law passed in June 1917 ordained the organisation of local administrative justice bodies, but its implementation was hampered by the war, the shortage of qualified judges and the existing absolute legal illiteracy, and the few administrative courts that were set up were soon abolished by the new Soviet authorities. Pravilova concluded that the establishment of a lawful state in pre-revolutionary Russia was prevented by a number of factors, particularly the autocratic nature of the supreme authority, which was incompatible with the idea of administrative justice as a guarantee of the rights of citizens in their relations with the state.

Schul-, Praxis- und habituelles Herrschaftswissen. Bildung ländlicher Eliten mit Blick auf die korporative Selbstverwaltung in der frühmodernen Schweiz (18. und 19. Jahrhundert)

Knowledge taught at schools, everyday skills and practical know-how. The relevancy of formation for local elites and the corporative self-government of Early Modern Switzerland Daniel Schläppi, Bern There were different kinds of rural elites in Early Modern Switzerland. The diverse parts of the country developed in very dissimilar ways politically and economically. Some regions were dominated by traditional types of agriculture. Some territories were ruled by major cities. In some of the rural Cantons like Uri, Schwyz, Unterwalden, Glarus and Zug a political elite took control over generations and practiced a cultural lifestyle comparable to the famous aristocracies in cities like Bern, Basel, Freiburg, Luzern, Solothurn and Zurich. Intense proto-industrialization formed a completely different sort of elite with strong affinities to industry and trade in other regions. Meanwhile the habitants of the valley close-by stayed farmers like their ancestors (like in Appenzell). In the most conservative parts of the country mercenary business played an important role till the very end of the Ancien Regime and even furthermore. In summery the variety of historical circumstances caused heterogeneous elites all over. Such socio-political diversity provoked a variety of educational backgrounds. I an academic understanding of the term we know only little about literacy in local rural elites. But there is strong evidence that a lively culture of reading and story-telling existed. This means that even simple countrymen seem to have been in possession of some books. The organisation and capacity of the school system is subject of controversial discussions among up to date researchers. The state of research makes us suppose that the people designed to political careers learned their essential skills not only in school but also in everyday life or on the job. Based on the fact that every community and countless public corporations managed their affairs by their own it’s evident that the local elite’s key-players had a large repertoire of techniques and skills like writing, calculating, strategic thinking or knowledge of oral tradition, old usage or important rituals. Unfortunately the historical actors left not that many sources that would tell us precisely how knowledge and know-how were transferred in former times. Hardly any private account books or common correspondence have been conserved. But a huge bunch of sources that originate from corporative self-administration shows us that most local elites were well-educated and had the necessary skills anyway. Above all other sources like for instance the «Topographische Beschreibungen» (topographic descriptions) that were initiated by the «Ökonomische Gesellschaft» of Berne since the sixties of the 18th century provide an insight into pre-modern classrooms. More important information on the historical formation-reality can be gained by the autobiography of the famous poor peasant Ulrich Bräker (1735‒1798) or some of the novels by Albert Bitzius (1797‒1854, better known as Jeremias Gotthelf). The pedagogic writings by Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi (1746‒1827) and the influences by his mentors Johann Rudolf Tschiffeli (1716‒1780) or Philipp Emanuel von Fellenberg (1771‒1884) are quite illustrative as well.

On the similarity of Sturm-Liouville operators with non-Hermitian boundary conditions to self-adjoint and normal operators

We consider one-dimensional Schrödinger-type operators in a bounded interval with non-self-adjoint Robin-type boundary conditions. It is well known that such operators are generically conjugate to normal operators via a similarity transformation. Motivated by recent interests in quasi-Hermitian Hamiltonians in quantum mechanics, we study properties of the transformations and similar operators in detail. In the case of parity and time reversal boundary conditions, we establish closed integral-type formulae for the similarity transformations, derive a non-local self-adjoint operator similar to the Schrödinger operator and also find the associated “charge conjugation” operator, which plays the role of fundamental symmetry in a Krein-space reformulation of the problem.

Structural Changes and Formation of Rusta-shahr in Post-Revolutionary Rural Society in Iran

The following paper is based on the author's two-year research and fieldwork in Iran and examines the process of political and social changes since the Iranian Revolution of 1979 and the subsequent impact of the Iran-Iraq War of 1980-88. This paper focuses on the transition of traditional, small villages into rusta-shahr or small rural cities and the first and second nation-wide elections of shoura or councils which were the first steps toward self-government. The author is guardedly optimistic regarding this democratic process but warns of possible future social unrest if changes are not more "balanced" between cities and rural areas and if the employment needs of the burgeoning younger generation are not met, political and social consequences may be catastrophic.

Ukraine: sovereign decentralisation or federalism without sovereignty? OSW Commentary No. 133, 18.04.2014

A key element of Russia’s policy towards the new government of Ukraine concerns demands for a constitutional reform that would transform the country from a unitary into a federal state in a way that would considerably privilege the eastern and southern regions. Such a change to Ukraine’s administrative system would enable Moscow to put pressure on Ukraine’s central government via the regions. In order to achieve its objectives, Russia has been pressuring Kyiv to establish a constitutional assembly in a form that would guarantee the endorsement of solutions dictated by Russia. In other words, Russia has been demanding, in what is practically an ultimatum, that Ukraine give up one of the fundamental sovereign rights of a state, the right to freely determine its system of government. Transforming Ukraine into a federal state is an unacceptable idea, primarily because the intention behind Russia’s demands is to undermine Ukraine’s sovereignty, both through the content of the proposed changes and the way in which they are to be implemented. However, keeping in place the current, centralist model of state governance is not a feasible alternative. Ukraine will have to grant its regions broad self-governance powers, including the power to hold local referendums, and to transfer a considerable portion of the prerogatives currently held by the state to the local self-governments, along with adequate financial resources. That is because decentralisation along these lines is the only way forward towards a modern democracy in Ukraine. Russia’s policy has forced Kyiv to undertake legislative work on constitutional reform as a matter of urgency, rather than waiting until a new parliament is elected in which the new, post-Maidan balance of political power will be reflected, as political logic would require. The first draft of the constitutional amendments (of which no details are known at this stage) is to be presented in mid-May, and is expected to come into force in early autumn. However, whether these plans can be put into practice depends on further developments in the eastern part of Ukraine, because (among other reasons) if a state of emergency is introduced, the constitutional amendment process will have to be suspended.

The Party of Regions monopolises power in Ukraine. OSW Commentary No. 40, 2010-09-29

Since the Party of Regions took power in Ukraine, the process of strengthening the executive branch of government at the expense of the others, together with the instrumental use of the law, has been progressing steadily. By seeking to restrict criticism of the government, the ruling party is aiming at marginalisation of opposition groups and establishing informal control over the main media (largely by exerting pressure on their owners). The role of the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) is growing, as it is used increasingly frequently to put pressure on Western-oriented NGOs. The government’s control over the judiciary is expanding. These trends had existed before the Party of Regions’ ascension to power, but they were much weaker, as the previous governments did not enjoy such a strong position or the ability to achieve their ends so efficiently. The Party of Regions is planning to take another step towards total power during the local elections scheduled for October 2010. The party is determined to establish control over the local self-governments; to this end, it has amended the legislation in a way which now undermines local civil initiatives. These changes not only illustrate the interests and political standpoint of the ruling elite; they also result from systemic reasons, and these are deeply rooted in the Soviet past. The present Ukrainian state has evolved through the evolutionary transformation of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. As a result, the main features of the previous system have been sustained, including the weakness of the representative bodies and the instrumental use of the law. Twenty years into its independent development, Ukraine has developed a merely formal democracy, which is distant from EU standards.