998 resultados para Irish language
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This article deals with one of the most common elements in names of Irish hills and mountains. The grammar, phonology, etymology, semantic range and chronology of the element are examined. Sliabh is particularly complex in terms of its semantic range, which includes the following senses: 1) a mountain or hill (standing alone or forming part of a range); 2) a range of hills or mountains; 3) an moor or area of upland. The word is present in the earliest attested stages of the Irish language, and there is some evidence for all three meanings in Old Irish, though senses 1 and 2 are best attested. It is suggested that the view advanced by MacBain and Thurneysen that sliabh is etymologically related to Eng. slope and that this reflects its original meaning is open to some doubt in view of the lack of evidence for this sense in early Irish and the lack of clear cognates in other branches of Celtic and Indo-European languages.
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The opening of An Gaelaras - the Irish language cultural centre in Derry designed by O'Donnell + Tuomey - is the most significant architectural addition to the symbolic landscape of the Walled City in recent times. It marks nothing less than a physical re-surfacing and a normalisation of the Irish language in this long fragmented city. This alone places An Gaelaras in a delicate historical arc that spans over 1500 years of architectural heritage and links it with the now invisible ruins of St Columba's original 6th century monastery.
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A short play as part of theatre company Kabosh's walking-tour-with-performances 'The West Awakes', focusing on aspects of the history and culture of West Belfast. My piece dramatised the contribution of Belfast Protestants and Unionists to the Irish language.
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While the Gaeltacht (Irish speaking) areas of Ireland are geographically isolated from each other and relatively small in area, it is expected that the number of second language Irish speakers throughout the country should ensure the future of the language. Nevertheless, while the official standard grammar has been established for many decades, there is still a tendency in the spoken language to give precedence to regional dialectal variants in schools and the broadcast media which often raises barriers between native speakers themselves and between learners and native speakers.
All pupils in school in the Republic and many in Northern Ireland learn Irish and there has been a great increase in the number of pupils attending immersion Irish language Gaelscoileanna. But concern has been expressed about the phonetic and structural accuracy achieved in schools, all of which contributes to communication breakdown.
This paper discusses how a greater awareness of the link between phoneme and grapheme in Irish and the proposals for the Lárchanúint (Central Dialect) in the 1980s and current discussions on Caighdeán Leathan agus Caighdeán Cúng (Broad and Narrow Standard) would mitigate these concerns.
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New Irish speakers in Belfast play a crucial, complex part in the revitalization and change of both the city and Irish within Northern Ireland. This paper examines the role of new Irish speakers in transforming Belfast, whose emergence from a post-conflict period involves a reassessment of communal cultural expressions. Markers of ethno-national identity are bitterly contentious locally, and yet increasingly celebrated, in line with international trends, as high status cultural forms and potentially profitable tourist attractions. Irish in Belfast currently occupies an ambiguous position: divisive enough for a sign reading ‘Happy Christmas’ in Irish to be experienced as an insult by some city councillors, yet a secure enough part of the establishment for a neighbourhood to be officially rebranded as the Gaeltacht Quarter.
When, how and where new Irish speakers use the language in Belfast has implications for the relationship of Irishness to the Northern Irish state and for the place of Belfast within regional frameworks across the UK, Ireland and Europe. Adult learners and young people exiting Irish medium education have an impact on life in Belfast beyond its small population of Irish speakers. Urbanisation fuelled by new speakers, which shifts the balance of Irish language resources and speakers away from traditional rural Gaeltacht areas and towards cities, also has implications for the language itself. Recent increase in new Irish speakers in Belfast is due to expansion in the Irish-medium sector as well as to adult learners, whose decisions contribute to the school expansion.
Urbanisation, multilingualism and intergenerational shift combine in Belfast to produce new linguistic norms. Moreover, in a minority language community where hierarchies of ‘authenticity’ are weighted towards the rural and the native speaker, where the rural and the native have traditionally been conflated, and where indigeneity is a central concept to contested nationalisms, the emergence of a self-confident, youthful Irish speaking community in Northern Ireland’s biggest city involves a recalibration of the qualities signifying ‘gaelicness’. As students, professionals, hobbyists and activists, new Irish speakers in Belfast occupy a vital position at the crux of changing ideas about place, language and identity.
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Dublin, Trinity College MS 667 (olim F 5 3) is something of a meeting point of languages and traditions, representing one of the most significant witnesses to Latin exemplars for vernacular translations to survive from medieval Ireland. What is more, the translated texts appear to travel in groups, with several Irish-language manuscripts bearing close comparison to Trinity 667 in the texts and versions of texts they contain. Examining these texts and the contexts in which they circulated in Irish can give us a sense of the sorts of historical and cultural currents to which such translation work appears to have been responding.
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In this paper, I will provide a detailed analysis of the EPP, a principle of theoretical syntax, in Modern Irish. I will document previous scholarship on this issue to give a comprehensive view of ways of reconciling the syntax with the language data, as language data is key to testing theoretical predictions. I will also provide my own model incorporating the EPP into Irish. First, I will provide necessary information about the background and development of the EPP and the Minimalist system in syntax, as well as a discussion of the Irish language and the features which make it relevant to the study of the EPP. Then, I will present the models of Irish and the considerations of the EPP which have shaped and influenced my own. These models include both instances of altering the definition of the EPP to increase its universal application and of adapting models of VSO languages to fit the prevailing definition of the EPP. Lastly, I will detail my own model for Irish sentence structure, which suggests an alternate subject position in the syntax which would allow for the EPP to adapt to fit VSO word order. An analysis of passive and the unaccusative constructions, as well as support from contemporary syntactic theory, will support this model. To complete my consideration of Irish and the EPP, I will also provide a discussion of whether of not pleonastic pronouns function in Irish and how they would be accounted for in my model.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Includes bibliographical references.
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The first edition was published anonymously at Paris in 1768.
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This chapter describes the adaptation of a parent report instrument on early language development to a bilingual context. Beginning with general issues of adapting tests to any language, particular attention is placed on the issue of using parents as evaluators of child language acquisition of a minority language in a bilingual context. In Ireland, Irish is the first official language and is spoken by about 65,000 people on a daily basis. However all Irish speakers are bilingual, and children are exposed to the dominant English language at an early age. Using an adaptation of a parent report instrument, 21 typically developing children between 16 and 40 months were assessed repeatedly over two years to monitor their language development. The form allowed parents to document their children’s vocabulary development in both languages. Results showed that when knowledge of both languages was accounted for, the children acquired vocabulary at rates similar to those of monolingual speakers and used translational equivalents relatively early in language development. The study also showed that parents of bilingual children could accurately identify and differentiate language development in both of the child’s languages. Recommendations for adapting and using parent report instruments in bilingual language acquisition contexts are outlined.
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Engaging Ireland’s rich heritages of traditional music, story-telling, song, dance, and language, this doctoral composition project is a unique undertaking in the amalgamation of native art forms and the narrative realisation of Irish legends. The centrepiece of the project comprises of two collections of compositions inspired by the legends Oidhe Chloinne Lir (the tragic fate of the children of Lir) and Loinges Mac nUislenn (the exile of the sons of Uisliu). An interdisciplinary approach of traditional research and creative practice was employed in the development of this project, which informed and supported the formulation of personal and distinctive recensions of the chosen narratives, and the composition of over three hundred new works. Grounded in Irish traditional music, the compositional voice speaks in the familiar styles and structures of the idiom, and also resonates in contemporary and singular spaces. The Irish harping tradition is continued and extended in this research through the composition and recording of new music which is particularly suited to the instrument. Outputs include contextual, critical, and creative writings, recordings, video materials, musical scores, and storyboard and performance design artwork.
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Irish rebel songs afford Scotland’s Irish diaspora a means to assert, experience, and perform their alterity free from the complexities of the Irish language. Yet this benign intent can be offset by how the music is perceived by elements of Scotland’s majority Protestant population. The Scottish Government’s Offensive Behaviour Act (2012) has been used to prosecute those singing Irish rebel songs and there is continuing debate as to how this alleged offence should be dealt with. This article explores the social function and cultural perception of Irish rebel songs in the west coast of Scotland, examining what qualities lead to a song being perceived as ‘sectarian’, by focusing on song lyrics, performance context, and extra-musical discourse. The article explores the practice of lyrical ‘add-ins’ that inflect the meaning of key songs, and argues that the sectarianism of a song resides, at least in part, in the perception of the listener.