A Submission to the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties on the Korea-Australia Free Trade Agreement (KAFTA)

Australia and South Korea have signed a new free trade agreement - the Korea-Australia Free Trade Agreement (KAFTA). Is it a fair trade fairytale? Or is it a dirty deal done dirt cheap? Or somewhere in between? It is hard to tell, given the initial secrecy of the negotiations, and the complexity of the texts of the agreement There has been much debate in Parliament over the transparency of the trade agreement; the scope of market access provided under the deal; the impact of the investment chapter, with its investor-state dispute settlement clause; the intellectual property chapter; the environment chapter; its impact upon public health; and the labor rights chapter. KAFTA provides an indication of the approach of the new Conservative Government in Australia to other trade deals – such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership.

The Trans-Pacific Partnership: Copyright Law, the Creative Industries, and Internet Freedom

The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) is a highly secretive trade agreement being negotiated between the US and eleven Pacific Rim countries, including Australia. Having obtained a fast-track authority from the United States Congress, US President Barack Obama is keen to finalise the deal. However, he was unable to achieve a resolution of the deal at recent talks in Hawaii on the TPP. A number of chapters of the TPP will affect the creative artists, cultural industries and internet freedom — including the intellectual property chapter, the investment chapter, and the electronic commerce chapter. Legacy copyright industries have pushed for longer and stronger copyright protection throughout the Pacific Rim. In the wake of the Hawaii talks, Knowledge Ecology International leaked the latest version of the intellectual property chapter of the TPP. Jamie Love of Knowledge Ecology International commented upon the leaked text about copyright law: ‘In many sections of the text, the TPP would change global norms, restrict access to knowledge, create significant financial risks for persons using and sharing information, and, in some cases, impose new costs on persons producing new knowledge goods.’ The recent leaked text reveals a philosophical debate about the nature of intellectual property law. There are mixed messages in respect of the treatment of the public domain under copyright law. In one part of the agreement on internet service providers, there is text that says that the parties recognise the need for ‘promoting innovation and creativity,’ ‘facilitating the diffusion of information, knowledge, technology, culture, and the arts’, and ‘foster competition and open and efficient markets.’ A number of countries suggested ‘acknowledging the importance of the public domain.’ The United States and Japan opposed the recognition of the public domain in this text.

Turing and the Trans-Pacific Partnership: Intellectual Property, Public Health, and Access to Essential Medicines

A recent controversy in the United States over drug pricing by Turing Pharmaceuticals AG has raised larger issues in respect of intellectual property, access to medicines, and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). In August 2015, Turing Pharmaceuticals AG – a private biopharmaceutical company with offices in New York, the United States, and Zug, Switzerland - acquired the exclusive marketing rights to Daraprim in the United States from Impax Laboratories Incorporated. Martin Shkreli, Turing’s Founder and Chief Executive Officer, maintained: “The acquisition of Daraprim and our toxoplasmosis research program are significant steps along Turing’s path of bringing novel medications to patients with serious disorders, some of whom often go undiagnosed and untreated.” He emphasised: “We intend to invest in the development of new drug candidates that we hope will yield an even better clinical profile, and also plan to launch an educational effort to help raise awareness and improve diagnosis for patients with toxoplasmosis.” In September 2015, there was much public controversy over the decision of Martin Shkreli to raise the price of a 62 year old drug, Daraprim, from $US13.50 to $US750 a pill. The drug is particularly useful in respect to the treatment and prevention of malaria, and in the treatment of infections in individuals with HIV/AIDS. Daraprim is listed on the World Health Organization’s (WHO) List of Essential Medicines. In the face of much criticism, Martin Shkreli has said that he will reduce the price of Daraprim. He observed: “We've agreed to lower the price on Daraprim to a point that is more affordable and is able to allow the company to make a profit, but a very small profit.” He maintained: “We think these changes will be welcomed.” However, he has been vague and ambiguous about the nature of the commitment. Notably, the lobby group, Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhARMA), disassociated itself from the claims of Turing Pharmaceuticals. The group said: “PhRMA members have a long history of drug discovery and innovation that has led to increased longevity and improved lives for millions of patients.” The group noted: “Turing Pharmaceutical is not a member of PhRMA and we do not embrace either their recent actions or the conduct of their CEO.” The biotechnology peak body Biotechnology Industry Organization also sought to distance itself from Turing Pharmaceuticals. A hot topic: United States political debate about access to affordable medicines This controversy over Daraprim is unusual – given the age of drug concerned. Daraprim is not subject to patent protection. Nonetheless, there remains a monopoly in respect of the marketplace. Drug pricing is not an isolated problem. There have been many concerns about drug pricing – particularly in respect of essential medicines for HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria. This recent controversy is part of a larger debate about access to affordable medicines. The dispute raises larger issues about healthcare, consumer rights, competition policy, and trade. The Daraprim controversy has provided impetus for law reform in the US. US Presidential Candidate Hillary Clinton commented: “Price gouging like this in this specialty drug market is outrageous.” In response to her comments, the Nasdaq Biotechnology Index fell sharply. Hillary Clinton has announced a prescription drug reform plan to protect consumers and promote innovation – while putting an end to profiteering. On her campaign site, she has emphasised that “affordable healthcare is a basic human right.” Her rival progressive candidate, Bernie Sanders, was also concerned about the price hike. He wrote a letter to Martin Shkreli, complaining about the price increase for the drug Daraprim. Sanders said: “The enormous, overnight price increase for Daraprim is just the latest in a long list of skyrocketing price increases for certain critical medications.” He has pushed for reforms to intellectual property to make medicines affordable. The TPP and intellectual property The Daraprim controversy and political debate raises further issues about the design of the TPP. The dispute highlights the dangers of extending the rights of pharmaceutical drug companies under intellectual property, investor-state dispute settlement, and drug administration. Recently, the civil society group Knowledge Ecology International published a leaked draft of the Intellectual Property Chapter of the TPP. Knowledge Ecology International Director, James Love, was concerned the text revealed that the US “continues to be the most aggressive supporter of expanded intellectual property rights for drug companies.” He was concerned that “the proposals contained in the TPP will harm consumers and in some cases block innovation.” James Love feared: “In countless ways, the Obama Administration has sought to expand and extend drug monopolies and raise drug prices.” He maintained: “The astonishing collection of proposals pandering to big drug companies make more difficult the task of ensuring access to drugs for the treatment of cancer and other diseases and conditions.” Love called for a different approach to intellectual property and trade: “Rather than focusing on more intellectual property rights for drug companies, and a death-inducing spiral of higher prices and access barriers, the trade agreement could seek new norms to expand the funding of medical research and development (R&D) as a public good, an area where the US has an admirable track record, such as the public funding of research at the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other federal agencies.” In addition, there has been much concern about the Investment Chapter of the TPP. The investor-state dispute settlement regime would enable foreign investors to challenge government policy making, which affected their investments. In the context of healthcare, there is a worry that pharmaceutical drug companies will deploy their investor rights to challenge public health measures – such as, for instance, initiatives to curb drug pricing and profiteering. Such concerns are not merely theoretical. Eli Lilly has brought an investor action against the Canadian Government over the rejection of its drug patents under the investor-state dispute settlement regime of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The Health Annex to the TPP also raises worries that pharmaceutical drug companies will able to object to regulatory procedures in respect of healthcare. It is disappointing that the TPP – in the leaks that we have seen – has only limited recognition of the importance of access to essential medicines. There is a need to ensure that there are proper safeguards to provide access to essential medicines – particularly in respect of HIV/AIDs, malaria, and tuberculosis. Moreover, there must be protection against drug profiteering and price gouging in any trade agreement. There should be strong measures against the abuse of intellectual property rights. The dispute over Turing Pharmaceuticals AG and Daraprim is an important cautionary warning in respect of some of the dangers present in the secret negotiations in respect of the TPP. There is a need to preserve consumer rights, competition policy, and public health in trade negotiations over an agreement covering the Pacific Rim.

Now the real international fight begins for the Trans-Pacific Partnership

In Atlanta, the trade ministers of a dozen countries across the Pacific Rim announced that they had successfully reached a concluded agreement upon the Trans-Pacific Partnership. The debate over the TPP will now play out in legislatures across the Pacific Rim, where sentiment towards the deal is much more mixed. The ministers insisted: “After more than five years of intensive negotiations, we have come to an agreement that will support jobs, drive sustainable growth, foster inclusive development, and promote innovation across the Asia-Pacific region … The agreement achieves the goal we set forth of an ambitious, comprehensive, high standard and balanced agreement that will benefit our nation’s citizens … We expect this historic agreement to promote economic growth, support higher-paying jobs; enhance innovation, productivity and competitiveness; raise living standards; reduce poverty in our countries; and to promote transparency, good governance, and strong labor and environmental protections.” But there has been fierce criticism of the Trans-Pacific Partnership, because of both its secrecy and its substance. Nobel Laureate Professor Joseph Stiglitz has warned that the agreement is not about free trade, but about the protection of corporate monopolies. The intellectual property chapter provides for longer and stronger protection of intellectual property rights. The investment chapter provides foreign investors with the power to challenge governments under an investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) regime. The environment chapter is weak and toothless, and seems to be little more than an exercise in greenwashing. The health annex — and many other parts of the agreement — strengthen the power of pharmaceutical companies and biotechnology developers. The text on state-owned enterprises raises concerns about public ownership of postal services, broadcasters and national broadband services.

The Trans-Pacific partnership protects old companies at the expense of the new

Under this trade agreement, intellectual property will be transformed into a means of protecting the investments of multinational companies in culture, advertising, and medicine, writes Matthew Rimmer. The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) is a blockbuster trade deal, which will transform the intellectual property of the Pacific Rim. The Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull has argued the trade agreement is a "gigantic foundation stone" for the country's future prosperity. Nonetheless, though the final text remains unreleased, it's clear from what we do know that the Intellectual Property Chapter is set to protect legacy intellectual property industries - rather than support disruptive technologies and dynamic innovation.

Rot bilong mipela

In my master's thesis I explore the political significance of logging in Papua New Guinea (PNG). In commercial logging the post-colonial state of PNG, its local communities, transnational companies and non-governmental organizations come interestingly together. The central research questions are what forms of political awareness and mobilization does commercial logging bring up in the small scale communities and how – if at all – does logging change the relationship between these communities and the state of PNG. The thesis is based on three months of ethnographic fieldwork conducted in 2007 in a village located in the East New Britain province of PNG. The village, inhabited mainly by the Mengen people, was an interesting case, because logging operations had been conducted in the area with the permission of the people, while on the other hand some villagers had formed a conservation association of their own. Parliamentary elections were also held in PNG during the time of my fieldwork. During my stay in the village I took part in the village life and conducted interviews. In addition to this, much of my material is based on informal discussions with people. On my way to and from the village I also interviewed several Papua New Guinean NGO-workers in the national and provincial capitals. In my thesis I show that environmental conservation in the village is part of a larger attempt to protect local autonomy, culture and the environment, i.e. it is a ”localistic” movement. Locals supporting conservation, as well as those supporting logging, take actively part in national parliamentary as well as local level politics. In my thesis I have attempted to unpack the notion of ”local” by examining internal power relations of the community and describing various lines of thought and opinions that base on local cultural values. Along with this, commercial logging seems also to elicit the role of the state in two-fold way in East New Britain. On the one hand, the government seeks to use logging roads built by logging companies as the basis of its own national infrastructure, even though the company roads are often of manifestably poor quality and short-lived. On the other hand, problems caused by logging, such as land disputes, create a need among local communities for the state and its services. Central themes in my thesis are the local values invested in the environment, as well as the ways in which the locals produce their environment both conceptually as well as physically. As subsistence farmers the locals depend economically on the condition of their environment. However, the value of the environment goes beyond economical questions. For example, the environment holds proof of the history of the community. Conversely, also the state and companies attempt to conceptualize, modify and administer the environment. This is done through processes such as mapping and road building, both crucial political questions in East New Britain. Here the anthropological discussion about space and place, as well as political geography are central. The diverse ways of conceptualizing the environment, as well as logging, cause often disputes about the ownership of land areas. Because of this I discuss local ways of holding the land communally, as well as PNG's land legislation and ways of dispute management. Land tenure and disputes are political questions that the locals have to deal with and in some cases these questions also create a need for the judiciary system of the state. The disputes affect also political activity, which I discuss at some length in my thesis as well. Interestingly, the locals, regardless of their political views and affiliations, establish transnational connections ranging from NGOs to government departments and multinational companies.

Derecho y moral en el estado de derecho constitucional (proyecciones teóricas: iuspositivismo, neoconstitucionalismo y realismo jurídico clásico)

Resumen: El texto trata sobre las diferencias entre el Estado de Derecho Legal y el actual Estado de Derecho Constitucional (neoconstitucionalismo). Luego se realiza una comparación en lo atinente a la relación entre moral y derecho entre esta nueva forma de Estado y la concepción iusnaturalista.

Faith-based Non-Governmental Organizations in the Public Square

This chapter has both a methodological and a substantive aim. First, I suggest, using the role and function of NGOs in religiously related legal disputes as a paradigm example, the distinction between institutional, doctrinal, and theoretical approaches to the study of the relationship between religion and law is sometimes unhelpful, creating a barrier preventing us from understanding the phenomenon that we are examining. Instead, I suggest, a more integrated understanding, drawing on each of these approaches and seeing how they relate to each other, may well be more illuminating. The second aim of this chapter is to suggest, in a preliminary way, that the phenomenon of faith-based organizations should be more integrated than in the past into doctrinal and theoretical debates in the area of law and religion, in particular the problem of how liberal society is to engage with organized religion where there is a fundamental dispute as to who represents that religion, or as to what the basic tenets of that religion are.

La responsabilité de l'intermédiaire de marché et la protection du petit investisseur : à la recherche d'un certain équilibre

"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de maîtrise, option droit des affaires"

La considération des normes religieuses par le droit : les femmes et le divorce religieux au Canada et aux États-Unis

Les normes juridiques étatiques cohabitent avec les normes juridiques religieuses. En résulte parfois un décalage pour les croyants. En ce qui concerne le divorce notamment, la conciliation entre ces deux ordres normatifs pose de nombreux problèmes. Ainsi, pour les femmes désirant dissoudre leur mariage, la reconnaissance des normes religieuses par le droit aura une incidence directe sur la réalisation de leurs droits fondamentaux. Cette étude s’attarde à la façon dont cohabitent ces ordres normatifs en droit et à l’impact de leur considération en ce qui a trait au divorce. Elle propose, plus spécifiquement, une analyse de ces questions centrée sur le droit canadien et le droit américain.

De la naturaleza contractual del arbitramento como método alternativo de soluciones

Con el paso del tiempo y la evolución de los distintos modelos jurídicos se han venido originando fenómenos alternos a la justicia interna de cada país para la solución de conflictos, generalizando las decisiones a todos los conflictos jurídicos de las personas, sin importar a que sistema jurídico pertenece. Es así, como llega a incorporarse a nuestro modelo jurídico el Arbitraje, un método alternativo de solución de conflictos a través del cual las partes involucradas en un conflicto de carácter transigible, deciden llevar sus controversias ante un tribunal arbitral, el cual queda transitoriamente investido de la facultad de administrar justicia, profiriendo una decisión denominada laudo arbitral.

Haircut undone? The Greek drama and prospects for investment arbitration

As a result of the sovereign debt crisis that engulfed Europe in 2010, investors are much more likely to pursue dispute resolution options when faced with losses. This paper seeks to examine the position of investors who suffered losses in the Greek haircut of 2012 in the context of investment treaty arbitration. The paper evaluates arguments that investments in Greek sovereign bonds have been expropriated by the introduction of retrofit CACs and that compensation is payable as a result of the protections offered by BITs. The paper investigates whether sovereign bonds come within the definition of protected investment in BITs, assesses the degree to which CACs act as a jurisdictional bar to investor-state claims and attempts an evaluation of whether claims could be successful. The analysis uses as an illustration recent cases brought against Greece at ICSID. The paper concludes by considering whether the Greek haircut was expropriatory and reflects on the possible outcome of current arbitrations.

Antes de uma fundação, um conceito: um estudo sobre a disciplina jurídica das fundações de apoio na cooperação entre universidade e empresa

A presença crescente de pessoas jurídicas sob o regime de direito privado exercendo funções e atividades desempenhadas por pessoas jurídicas sob o regime de direito público tem apresentado desafios importantes para o estudo do Direito. A atuação das Fundações de Apoio no auxílio às Universidades Públicas Federais brasileiras são um exemplo disso. De um fenômeno espontâneo, timidamente regulado pela Lei n.º 8.958/1994, transformaram-se em um universo diversificado, em que se questiona a sua atuação junto à Instituições Federais de Ensino Superior. Ao desempenhar funções e atividades de auxílio à Universidades Federais, executam recursos públicos orçamentários e de Agências de Fomento. O questionamento da obrigatoriedade destas entidades realizarem prévio procedimento licitatório para contratação de terceiros quando estiverem auxiliando às Universidades Federais, a necessidade de cumprimento das regras de recolhimento de recursos público à Conta Única do Tesouro Nacional e a possibilidade de contratação de pessoal sem concurso público para trabalhar nas atividades de auxílio fazem parte das controvérsias enfrentadas no trabalho. Este trabalho procurou refletir sobre este fenômeno a partir de três frentes, uma proposta de análise do fenômeno fundacional, em que fundações de apoio são compreendidas como organizações de intermediação entre universidade e empresa, um levantamento das principais questões de compatibilização entre o regime de direito público e a atuação das fundações no contexto de auxílio ao desenvolvimento tecnológico das Universidades Públicas Federais e, por fim, o estudo de um caso em que há a compatibilização entre um modelo de fundação de apoio e o regime de direito público, o caso da Fundação de Apoio Institucional ao Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (FAI) da Universidade Federal de São Carlos (UFSCAR). Propomos um recorte específico para o estudo do auxílio realizado pelas fundações de apoio, caracterizando-as como organizações de intermediação da cooperação entre universidade e empresa, pois acreditamos que dado o conjunto significativo de transformações no papel desempenhado por universidades de pesquisa no âmbito da produção industrial, uma nova forma de leitura da intermediação é necessária para a compreensão do papel e da missão das Universidades de Pesquisa no desenvolvimento econômico do país. As universidades, além de formadoras da mão de obra especializada e da geração de conhecimento, passam a ser centros de geração de tecnologia, se aproximando da indústria, pois substituiria em parte os antigos departamentos de pesquisa e desenvolvimento de indústrias nacionais, ao mesmo tempo que também desempenharia o papel de fomentadora da geração de empresas de inovação, criando incubadoras de empresas e facilitando o intercâmbio entre seus professores e técnicos e profissionais da matriz industrial dos países. No Brasil, esta transformação se depara com um hiato importante. O país, por meio de suas Universidades Públicas é produtor de conhecimento, com um número significativo de publicações internacionais, contudo, não tem conseguido converter este conhecimento em aplicação industrial, em inovação tecnológica, medida pelo registro de patentes e pela transferência de tecnologia para a indústria. Em segundo lugar, a Lei de Inovação Tecnológica (Lei n.º 10.973/2004) como a primeira tentativa de estabelecer formas de reduzir este hiato, criou instrumentos jurídicos para permitir a cooperação entre Universidades Públicas Federais e Empresas Nacionais, posicionando as fundações de apoio como intermediadoras da relação entre Universidade e Empresa, ao lado dos Núcleos de Inovação. A Lei, por um lado, foi capaz de criar os instrumentos jurídicos para que a cooperação entre Universidade Pública e Empresa Nacional seja lícita, contudo, não enfrentou questões jurídicas importantes, além das questões sobre incidência do regime de direito público na intermediação realizada pelas fundações, também não definiu a função das fundações de apoio na captação e gestão de projetos de tecnologia, ou na gestão da propriedade intelectual e sua relação com os Núcleos de Inovação, ou a participação das fundações na formação de empresas de inovação por meio do processo de incubação de empresas nas Universidades Federais. Foi o Tribunal de Contas da União, como órgão de controle do emprego dos recursos públicos, o principal local de debate sobre as controvérsias jurídicas envolvendo a relação entre Fundações de Apoio e Universidades Federais. Em nosso entendimento, o Tribunal na Decisão n.º 655/2002, iniciou um processo de compatibilização entre a atuação das fundações de apoio e o regime de direito público, ao definir as fundações de apoio ligadas à projetos de desenvolvimento e transferência de tecnologia das Universidades Federais como organizações de intermediação, contudo, retrocedeu no Acórdão n.º 2.731/2008, ao definir de forma ampla o conceito de recurso público e recomendar aos Ministérios da Educação e da Ciência e Tecnologia que proibissem os repasses diretos de recursos de Agências de Fomento à Fundações de Apoio no âmbito federal. O caso da FAI é paradigmático, pois não apenas é um caso que reforça a nossa avaliação de que é possível haver compatibilidade entre o regime de direito público e a atuação das fundações apoio, como sinaliza para soluções de desenho institucional relevantes para a reflexão sobre a regulação das fundações de apoio no âmbito federal. A FAI como uma fundação voltada para a Universidade Federal de São Carlos é capaz de cumprir com as potencialidades de uma fundação almeja contribuir para o desenvolvimento tecnológico de Universidades Públicas Federais, uma vez que funciona como um “outro eu” da UFSCAR, um duplo positivo, executando atividades que se fossem feitas pela Universidade não teriam a mesma agilidade ou até não seriam realizadas.

Processos geodinâmicos associados a mudanças de uso da terra: o caso da microbacia hidrográfica do Córrego Caçula (Ilha Solteira - SP)

Pós-graduação em Engenharia Civil - FEIS

Revisión de los baremos odontológicos de aplicación en la justicia civil y formulación de nuevo baremo

Se realizó un estudio de expedientes judiciales para verificar la presencia de lesiones dentarias en litigios judiciales y corroborar si los baremos aplicados fueron pertinentes. Siendo muy importante el porcentaje de casos donde no existió pérdida dentaria pero sí lesión y no existiendo un baremo que contemple estos casos, surge entonces la necesidad de formular un nuevo baremo o modificar los existentes para que se incluya no sólo la pérdida total del elemento dentario sino también los traumatismos que no producen pérdida del elemento dentario pero si lesión, porque representan una importante incapacidad masticatoria, fonética y estética. Se propone agregar a los baremos en uso o redactar un nuevo baremo que incluya la siguiente valoración: - En caso de fracturas dentarias con compromiso pulpar y traumatismos que producen pérdida de vitalidad pulpar, adjudicar un porcentaje de incapacidad del 50% de los valores otorgados por los baremos existentes (Bertini, Briñon, etc.) para la pérdida total de dicho elemento. En los casos de fracturas dentarias sin pérdida de vitalidad, otorgar un 25% de los valores de los baremos existentes.