833 resultados para Global political power
Resumo:
The European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) speaks of the importance of an “effective political democracy” in its Preamble, though it is only in Article 3 of Protocol 1 (P1-3) that we find a right to free elections. This paper discusses the role of “positive obligations” under P1-3. This paper outlines the positive obligations in P1-3 focusing on obligations where the state is required to do more than just change the law. This may mean providing resources or facilities, adopting regulatory frameworks or creating new institutions. The paper highlights specific positive obligations that need to be further developed in the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). Sometimes these can be developed by analogy with positive obligations recognised in other areas of ECtHR jurisprudence. However, beyond these cases, states should ensure that members of vulnerable and disadvantaged minorities are able to participate in the electoral process and should ensure that dominant political groups cannot abuse their political power to exclude other parties unfairly. This is necessary to realise equal political rights. The second section of this paper sketches some preliminary points about the Strasbourg institutions’ approach to P1-3. After that, the third section identifies circumstances where the ECtHR should apply a more intense scrutiny in P1-3 cases. The fourth, fifth and sixth sections look at positive obligations relating to the right to vote, the right to run for election and the regulation of political parties.
Resumo:
The devolution of political power in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland and the developing regional agenda in England are widely read as a significant reconfiguration of the institutions and scales of economic governance. The process is furthest developed in Scotland while Wales and Northern Ireland, in their own distinct ways, provide intermediate cases. Devolution is least developed in England where regional political identities are generally weak and the historical legacy of regional institutions is limited.
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While the existence of an ‘emotional turn’ within the social sciences is now widely acknowledged, some areas have garnered less specific attention than others. Perhaps the most significant absence within this literature is an explicit exploration of the relationship between emotions and relations of power and domination. This article will attempt such an endeavour. In doing so, I will draw on some key work from within the sociology of emotions, such as Barbalet, Collins, Kemper and Turner, and from the power literature within social theory more generally, including Dahl, Elias, Foucault, Giddens, Gramsci and Lukes. The main thrust of the argument is that power and emotion are conceptual twins in need of a serious theoretical reunion, and that emotions have played a largely unacknowledged, ‘under-labouring’ role within most theories of power. The need for a more unified approach to these two concepts is highlighted.
Resumo:
Num planeta finito, a impossibilidade de um crescimento contínuo e a necessidade de preservar os seus recursos naturais e ambientais, tendo em vista assegurar opções de qualidade de vida e bem-estar das gerações futuras, fez emergir e estruturar o conceito de Desenvolvimento Sustentável. Perante os múltiplos desafios que o futuro coloca, a educação constitui-se como uma via para alcançar um desenvolvimento mais harmonioso das relações entre os seres humanos e entre estes e a natureza, indispensável à humanidade na persecução dos seus legítimos anseios de paz, liberdade e justiça social. A importância atribuída à educação no sentido de uma adequada perceção da situação do planeta levou as Nações Unidas a proclamarem, no início deste século (dezembro de 2002), a Década da Educação para o Desenvolvimento Sustentável (2005-2014): um desafio internacional lançado aos países para que recorram à educação como ferramenta essencial na promoção de Desenvolvimento Sustentável. A vida nas sociedades contemporâneas é, como nunca antes, influenciada por desenvolvimentos científicos e tecnológicos e dependente dos respetivos progressos. Assim, a Educação Científica assume um papel fundamental na compreensão das problemáticas que enfrentamos e na consciencialização da responsabilidade do ser humano na situação planetária atual, devendo promover o desenvolvimento de cidadanias proativas, fundamentadas e responsáveis, no sentido da mudança, numa perspetiva crítica global que garanta a sustentabilidade do planeta. Estas finalidades são alvo de reflexão por parte de diversas instâncias da sociedade – nas quais se incluem organismos como a UNESCO, comunidades nacionais e internacionais de investigação em Educação Científica, e o poder político – e espelham-se em propostas de reforma e de revisão curricular em diversos países. Ora, sem ser exclusiva, a educação formal nos primeiros anos de escolaridade tem um papel fundamental, por ter caráter obrigatório na maioria dos países. Paralelamente existe um crescente reconhecimento a nível internacional em torno da importância de se iniciar precocemente a Educação Científica com vista a alcançar esses propósitos. Resultados alcançados em diversas investigações evidenciam que a Educação Científica nos primeiros anos de escolaridade tem impacte positivo relevante no desenvolvimento de literacia científica e no desenvolvimento de atitudes positivas face à Ciência e a aprendizagens de Ciências. A presente investigação pretende ser um contributo para a Década da Educação para o Desenvolvimento Sustentável no Primeiro Ciclo do Ensino Básico. O percurso de investigação, de natureza qualitativa, foi desenvolvido em três fases distintas mas articuladas entre si: a fase I integrou processos interpretativos de investigação documental e teve como principais objetivos o estabelecimento do quadro teórico de suporte à problemática de Educação para Desenvolvimento Sustentável e a caraterização de perspetivas de Educação Científica decorrentes de política educativa em Portugal; na fase II caraterizou-se a importância atribuída por professores do Primeiro Ciclo do Ensino Básico à Educação Científica e respetiva componente experimental, bem como as suas conceções acerca de Literacia Científica, orientações Ciência-Tecnologia-Sociedade no ensino das Ciências, Desenvolvimento Sustentável e o modo como dizem articular as referidas conceções com as suas práticas de sala de aula; na fase III apresentou-se um Programa de Ciências, concebido segundo os referenciais atrás definidos e avaliado por um painel de peritos, para Educação para Desenvolvimento Sustentável, “A Terra e os seres vivos: conhecer para valorizar e proteger”, para implementação em cada um dos quatro anos de escolaridade do Primeiro Ciclo do Ensino Básico. O presente estudo assume-se como um contributo para a inovação na Educação Científica no Primeiro Ciclo do Ensino Básico e fundamenta a necessidade de a reorientar, tendo em vista a resposta a compromissos internacionais assumidos por Portugal no âmbito da Década da Educação para o Desenvolvimento Sustentável, bem como a importância de acompanhar orientações e políticas recomendadas a nível internacional, numa perspetiva de educação num contexto de globalização.
Resumo:
During the interwar period (1919-1939) protagonists of the early New Zealand Olympic Committee [NZOC] worked to renegotiate and improve the country’s international sporting participation and involvement in the International Olympic Committee [IOC]. To this end, NZOC effectively used its locally based administrators and well-placed expatriates in Britain to variously assert the organisation’s nascent autonomy, independence and political power, progress Antipodean athlete’s causes, and, counter any potential doubt about the nation’s peripheral position in imperial sporting dialogues. Adding to the corpus of scholarship on New Zealand’s ties and tribulations with imperial Britain (in and beyond sport) (e.g. Beilharz and Cox 2007; Belich 2001, 2007; Coombes 2006; MacLean 2010; Phillips 1984, 1987; Ryan 2004, 2005, 2007), in this paper I examine how the political actions and strategic location of three key NZOC agents (specifically, administrator Harry Amos and expatriates Arthur Porritt and Jack Lovelock) worked in their own particular ways to assert the position of the organisation within the global Olympic fraternity. I argue that the efforts of Amos, Porritt and Lovelock also concomitantly served to remind Commonwealth sporting colleagues (namely Britain and Australia) that New Zealand could not be characterised as, or relegated to being, a distal, subdued, or subservient colonial sporting partner. Subsequently I contend that NZOC’s development during the interwar period, and particularly the utility of expatriate agents, can be contextualised against historiographical shifts that encourage us to rethink, reimagine, and rework narratives of empire, colonisation, national identity, commonwealth and belonging.
Resumo:
During the interwar period (1919–1939), protagonists of the early New Zealand Olympic Committee (NZOC) worked to renegotiate and improve the country's international sporting participation and involvement in the International Olympic Committee. To this end, NZOC effectively used its locally based administrators and well-placed expatriates in Britain to variously assert the organization's nascent autonomy, independence and political power, progress Antipodean athlete's causes and counter any potential doubt about the nation's peripheral position in imperial sporting dialogues. Adding to the corpus of scholarship on New Zealand's ties and tribulations with imperial Britain, both in and beyond sport (e.g. Beilharz and Cox, 2007, “Settler Capitalism Revisited,” Thesis Eleven 88: 112–124; Belich, 2001, Paradise Reforged: A History of the New Zealanders from the 1880s to the Year 2000, Auckland: Allen Lane; Belich, 2007, Making Peoples: A History of the New Zealanders from Polynesian Settlement to the End of the Nineteenth Century, Auckland: The Penguin Group; Coombes, 2006, Rethinking Settler Colonialism: History and Memory in Australia, Canada, Aotearoa New Zealand and South Africa, Manchester: Manchester University Press; MacLean, 2010, “New Zealand (Aotearoa),” In Routledge Companion to Sports History, edited by Steve W. Pope and John Nauright, 510–525, London: Routledge; Phillips, 1984, “Rugby, War and the Mythology of the New Zealand Male,” The New Zealand Journal of History 18 (1): 83–103; Phillips, 1987, A Man's Country: The Image of the Pakeha Male, Auckland: Penguin Books; Ryan, 2004, The Making of New Zealand Cricket, 1832–1914, London: Frank Cass; Ryan, 2005, Tackling Rugby Myths: Rugby and New Zealand Society 1854–2004, Dunedin: University of Otago Press; Ryan, 2007, “Sport in 19th-Century Aotearoa/New Zealand: Opportunities and Constraints,” In Sport in Aotearoa/New Zealand Society, edited by Chris Collins and Steve Jackson, 96–111, Auckland: Thomson), I will examine how the political actions and strategic location of three key NZOC agents (specifically, administrator Harry Amos and expatriates Arthur Porritt and Jack Lovelock) worked in their own particular ways to assert the position of the organization within the global Olympic fraternity. I argue that the efforts of Amos, Porritt and Lovelock also concomitantly served to remind Commonwealth sporting colleagues (namely Britain and Australia) that New Zealand could not be characterized as, or relegated to being, a distal, subdued or subservient colonial sporting partner. Subsequently, I contend that NZOC's development during the interwar period, and particularly the utility of expatriate agents, can be contextualized against historiographical shifts that encourage us to rethink, reimagine and rework narratives of empire, colonization, national identity, commonwealth and belonging.
Resumo:
This paper applies Pseudo Phase Plane (PPP) and Fractional Calculus (FC) mathematical tools for modeling world economies. A challenging global rivalry among the largest international economies began in the early 1970s, when the post-war prosperity declined. It went on, up to now. If some worrying threatens may exist actually in terms of possible ambitious military aggression, invasion, or hegemony, countries’ PPP relative positions can tell something on the current global peaceful equilibrium. A global political downturn of the USA on global hegemony in favor of Asian partners is possible, but can still be not accomplished in the next decades. If the 1973 oil chock has represented the beginning of a long-run recession, the PPP analysis of the last four decades (1972–2012) does not conclude for other partners’ global dominance (Russian, Brazil, Japan, and Germany) in reaching high degrees of similarity with the most developed world countries. The synergies of the proposed mathematical tools lead to a better understanding of the dynamics underlying world economies and point towards the estimation of future states based on the memory of each time series.
Resumo:
At a time of global economic instability, to which Portugal is not oblivious, and aware that the main source of Portuguese State revenue relies on the collection of tribute, the National Republican Guard holds within its mission relevant assignments to the protection of the financial interests of the country, in particular, fiscal and customs. These assignments were inherited from the century - old institution Guarda Fiscal - with evidence given in this domain, which was integrated into the National Republican Guard in 1993, to adopt, a 1St model, that held a specialized unit – Brigada Fiscal, with surveillance and patrolling missions of costa and fiscal and customs supervision, throughout the national territory and maritime zone of respect. In 2009, the result of political decisions, reorganization the State's central administration, appears de 2Nd model, because the Brigada Fiscal assignments were divided by two specialized units - UAF with investigation skills, and UCC for patrolling and surveillance of the coast. Analyzed the legal spectrum of special legislation leading the criminal and transgression sector punitive (RGIT), in essence, is in the UAF that resides the role assignments from the scope of the investigation and supervision of goods in the national territory on a par with the tax authority. Tax inspection assignments, fiscal and customs of the National Republican Guard, are unmatched in the National Tribute System, constituting itself as a potentiality of this special body, in similarity of their counterparts - Spain and Italy; however, have some constraints, that urge to clarify and repair. Foreseeing the future, face the announced news of a new restructuring, on behalf of the interests of the country, and in order to raise the quality of performance of the tax inspection, fiscal and customs, the National Republican Guard shall maintain a model based on the experience already accumulated, obviously adapted to the new demands of a changing society. Despite the current model gain in efficiency, loses in effectiveness. However, the efficiency of a model, without the necessary resources, can never bring “the letter to Garcia” against any kind of infringements, criminal or transgressions. Unless better opinion, both tax structures of the National Republican Guard are valid as an instrument for the prevention and combat of these illegal types. Because they are strategic in pursuing the public interest, given the scarce resources of the country and be the National Republican Guard, the force with the means and know-how of this nature. The political power has the final word.
Resumo:
Le problème de l’extrême pauvreté dans le Tiers-monde n’est pas d’abord une question économique. Il est avant tout politique parce qu’il est la conséquence directe des choix de société et de l’organisation du pouvoir au niveau des États et des diverses instances de la communauté internationale. Le politique a pour objet la conquête du pouvoir et la répartition des richesses à grande échelle. Il s’agit aussi d’un problème moral parce que les options prises collectivement par les peuples et le concert des nations ne s’orientent pas toujours vers la vertu de justice et l’égalité de chances pour tous. Extrême pauvreté et justice globale forment un binôme qui nous ramène donc au cœur de la philosophie politique et morale. Après la Seconde guerre mondiale, la philosophie politique a élargi ses horizons. Elle réfléchit davantage à l’exercice du pouvoir sur la scène internationale et la distribution des richesses au niveau mondial. Le phénomène de la mondialisation économique crée une dépendance mutuelle et d’importantes influences multilatérales entre les États. Plus que par le passé, l’autarcie n’est guère envisageable. Le dogme de la souveraineté intangible des États, issu du Traité de Westphalie au XVIIe siècle, s’avère de plus en plus caduque au regard des enjeux communs auxquels l’humanité fait actuellement face. D’où la nécessité d’une redéfinition du sens des souverainetés nationales et d’une fondation des droits cosmopolitiques pour chaque individu de la planète. Voilà pourquoi le binôme extrême pauvreté/justice globale nécessite une réflexion philosophique sur le concept de la responsabilité qui s’étend non seulement sur la sphère nationale, mais aussi sur une large amplitude cosmopolitique. L’expression « pays du Tiers-monde » peut sembler archaïque, péjorative et humiliante. Cependant, mieux que celles de « pays sous-développés » ou « pays en voie de développement », elle rend compte, sans euphémisme, de la réalité crue, brute et peu élégante de la misère politique et économique qui y sévit. Bien qu’elle semble désuète, elle délimite assez clairement le domaine de définition conceptuel et géographique de notre champ d’investigation philosophique. Elle désigne l’ensemble des pays qui sont exclus de la richesse économique répartie entre les nations. Étant donné que le pouvoir économique va généralement avec le pouvoir politique, cet ensemble est aussi écarté des centres décisionnels majeurs. Caractérisée par une pauvreté extrême, la réalité tiers-mondiste nécessité une analyse minutieuse des causes de cette marginalisation économique et politique à outrance. Une typologie de la notion de responsabilité en offre une figure conceptuelle avec une géométrie de six angles : la causalité, la moralité, la capacité, la communauté, le résultat et la solidarité, comme fondements de la réparation. Ces aspects sous lesquels la responsabilité est étudiée, sont chapeautés par des doctrines philosophiques de types conséquentialiste, utilitariste, déontologique et téléologique. La typologie de la responsabilité donne lieu à plusieurs solutions : aider par philanthropie à sauver des vies humaines ; établir et assigner des responsabilités afin que les torts passés et présents soient réparés aussi bien au niveau national qu’international ; promouvoir l’obligation de protéger dans un contexte international sain qui prenne en considération le devoir négatif de ne pas nuire aux plus défavorisés de la planète ; institutionnaliser des règles transfrontalières de justice ainsi que des droits cosmopolitiques. Enfin, nous entendrons par omniresponsabilité la responsabilité de tous vis-à-vis de ceux qui subissent les affres de l’extrême pauvreté dans le Tiers-monde. Loin d’être un concept-valise fourre-tout, c’est un ensemble de responsabilités partagées par des acteurs identifiables de la scène mondiale, en vue de la coréparation due aux victimes de l’injustice globale. Elle vise un telos : l’épanouissement du bien-être du citoyen du monde.
Resumo:
Estado del arte que recopila pronunciamientos de diversos autores sobre el papel de la Organización de Naciones Unidas, específicamente la Misión MINUGUA, en el proceso de reconstrucción posconflicto en Guatemala comprendido entre el año 1994 y 2004. Se basa en algunas dimensiones de la democratización como son el Estado de Derecho, la democracia representativa, la preeminencia del poder civil, y el fortalecimiento de la cultura democrática. Así mismo, tiene en cuenta los elementos de la justicia transicional, a saber: verdad, justicia y reparación.
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Las relaciones de cooperación Sur-Sur revoluciona las lógicas tradicionales que dieron base al régimen de la cooperación internacional expedido desde la OCDE. La diferencia entre los donantes llamados “DAC” y los socios “No-DAC” en referencia a los Estados miembros del Comité de Asistencia al Desarrollo establece dos lógicas de cooperación internacional que se contraponen en sus dinámicas pero comparten un objetivo: el desarrollo. Estos dos tipos de relaciones de cooperación se diferencian en cuatro aspectos: calidad de los actores implicados, dirección de la relación, tipo de intercambio y presencia o ausencia del Principio de Condicionalidad. A diferencia de las relaciones de cooperación Norte-Sur donde se establece una relación unidireccional entre el donante y el receptor, canal utilizado para el flujo crediticio y financiero (bien sea a través de créditos o de subvenciones), las relaciones de cooperación Sur-Sur establecen una relación bidireccional. Esta bidireccionalidad hace que la cooperación internacional se convierta en una herramienta de poder relativo para aquellos actores que carecían de peso en el sistema internacional. La carta fundamental de los Estados con economías emergentes será darle voz a aquellos que no la han tenido. A través de relaciones que se catalogan como asociaciones estratégicas, entre sujetos con un similar nivel de desarrollo, el Principio de Condicionalidad como rector de la relación de cooperación, desaparece. Asi, la formación del Grupo de Tareas para la Cooperación Sur-Sur adscrito al DAC es una muestra del cambio estructural del régimen de la cooperación internacional, y más aún, de las dinámicas tradicionales del sistema internacional.
Resumo:
Este estudio de caso analiza en qué medida la firma del Tratado de Libre Comercio entre Colombia y Corea del Sur obedece a estrategias políticas y/o costo beneficio económico por parte de este último. La hipótesis en el presente trabajo es que la firma del TLC entre ambos países se debe a la existencia de intereses compartidos. Por un lado, existen intereses económicos, debido a que Corea del Sur es un actor racional que busca siempre maximizar sus beneficios a través del aumento del tamaño de sus mercados. En este sentido, Colombia le sirve como plataforma para exportación de productos coreanos utilizando los acuerdos comerciales ya establecidos. Así mismo, existen intereses políticos que son permeados por medio de la cooperación internacional y que le pueden servir al Estado surcoreano en un proceso de búsqueda de legitimar de su imagen dentro del Sistema Internacional vis-a-vis de su relación con Corea del Norte. Este trabajo será de tipo descriptivo y explicativo. Para el desarrollo se utilizará la metodología cualitativa, ya que se ahonda en las especificidades del caso para entender cómo se dio éste fenómeno en particular. Como fuentes de recolección de información se utilizan entrevistas y análisis de documentos oficiales de la Embajada de Corea y discursos del Embajador Choo Jong Youn.
Resumo:
La presente monografía tiene por objetivo analizar a través de la corriente constructivista de Alexander Wendt, cómo a partir de la política exterior de la Unión Europea, se crea una identidad europea que tiene efectos sobre Colombia a través de los Laboratorios de Paz. La creación de dicha identidad estuvo condicionada por la apropiación de ciertos mecanismos dentro de su política exterior, como la ayuda para el desarrollo y la diplomacia preventiva. Es de esta manera como la identidad europea afecta a Colombia a través de la creación de los Laboratorios de Paz por medio de mecanismos como actividades económicas alternativas y fuente de ingresos y empleo, sustitución de cultivos ilícitos, transferencia de conocimientos tecnológicos y administrativos, apoyo a procesos de paz al interior de la población, fortalecimiento institucional y participación ciudadana.