Práticas clientelistas e dádivas como estratégias de hegemonia política: uma análise sobre o campo da saúde em Mossoró-RN

The reality experienced by many families and individuals who seek and require the services of the Unified Health System - SUS, the relationships between users, health professionals, and political representatives, establishes the core of the issue that guides the choice and interest of this study concerning the prominence of clientelist practices and gifts that permeate the health field. The research is based on the analysis and reflection of the intrinsic relationship between the health and political fields. It analyses the health field and its relationship with the dynamics and developments of the local political scenario relating it to the implementation of the Family Health Program and Community Health Agents Program (PACS/PSF health programs) in the city of Mossoró, State of Rio Grande do Norte which refers to the period 1991-2010; and falls into a methodological perspective of qualitative approach. The methodological tools and techniques used were based on semi-structured interviews, direct observation of the field, journalistic texts and documentary sources. The construction and questioning of the object of the research were based on theoretical contributions from authors discussing the social field and symbolic power: Bourdieu (2005); clientelist relationships and gifts from asymmetric exchanges: Rouland (1997), Lanna (1995), Martins (1999), Carvalho (1999), Diniz (1982); exercise of hegemony and political strategy from authors who analyse this subject: Gramsci (1995), Coutinho (1981), and Gruppi (1978). Furthermore, the research has established dialogues with authors who address the dynamics of Brazilian politics such as Baquero (2001) and Weffort (1993). The collected data were subjected to qualitative content analysis. The results showed that with the implementation of the PACS/PSF programs in the aforementioned city, the health field has established itself as a key scenario for the exercise of political hegemony of the factions that dominate this socio-political context, resizing clientelist practices, however, without modifying the power structures within this social scenario

A indústria têxtil catarinense e o caso da Cia. Hering

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Artimanhas de erros: aspectos do erotismo e do esteticismo na poética de António Botto

Pós-graduação em Estudos Literários - FCLAR

O Estado e a sociedade no Paraguai durante o governo do partido liberal (1904-1935)

Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

Determinação das velocidades intervalares usando a teoria paraxial do raio: aproximação de segunda ordem dos tempos de trânsito

Neste trabalho foi desenvolvido um método de solução ao problema inverso para modelos sísmicos compostos por camadas homogêneas e isotrópicas separadas por superfícies suaves, que determina as velocidades intervalares em profundidade e calcula a geometria das interfaces. O tempo de trânsito é expresso como uma função de parâmetros referidos a um sistema de coordenadas fixo no raio central, que é determinada numericamente na superfície superior do modelo. Essa função é posteriormente calculada na interface anterior que limita a camada não conhecida, através de um processo que determina a função característica em profundidade. A partir da função avaliada na interface anterior se calculam sua velocidade intervalar e a geometria da superfície posterior onde tem lugar a reflexão do raio. O procedimento se repete de uma forma recursiva nas camadas mais profundas obtendo assim a solução completa do modelo, não precisando em nenhum passo informação diferente à das camadas superiores. O método foi expresso num algoritmo e se desenvolveram programas de computador, os quais foram testados com dados sintéticos de modelos que representam feições estruturais comuns nas seções geológicas, fornecendo as velocidades em profundidade e permitindo a reconstrução das interfaces. Uma análise de sensibilidade sobre os programas mostrou que a determinação da função característica e a estimação das velocidades intervalares e geometria das interfaces são feitos por métodos considerados estáveis. O intervalo empírico de aplicabilidade das correções dinâmicas hiperbólicas foi tomado como uma estimativa da ordem de magnitude do intervalo válido para a aplicação do método.

A intersemiose texto-história-cinema na minissérie ROMA da HBO

From August 2005 to March 2007, the two seasons (with 12 and 10 episodes respectively) of the award winning miniseries HBO‟s ROME were aired by the Home Box Office (HBO) channel. With screenplay signed by various writers and directors, the TV series was a coproduction of HBO (USA) and BBC (UK) with support from RAI (Italy), and the show was filmed in multiple locations, but mainly in Cinecittà Film Studios in Rome, very famous for having been headquarters also for Federico Fellini‟s movies. In the first season, the miniseries depicts the conquest of Gaul, made by the military genius of Gaius Julius Caesar, and the political trajectory that made him accumulate power to such an extent that this divided Roman citizens into two factions, one supporting and the other opposing him, the latter focused mainly on the historic figure of General Gnaeus Pompey Magnus. The second season shows the period of civil war following the assassination of Caesar, and the future rise to power of his nephew, adopted son and sole heir, Gaius Octavian Augustus, who was destined to overcome his rivals as well as their allies in the triumvirate that had been formed to pursue and punish Caesar‟s assassins. These facts are well known and usually crowd the mind and imagination of every minimally educated person. The HBO series broke new ground not only for the talent of its writers, directors and actors, not only for its visual effects and locations nor for the vibrancy and grandeur of historical scenes – after all, “historical movies” in general do the same – but it has done so also by the (re)construction of historical events from the perspective of a pair of protagonists of whom too little is known: the centurions Titus Pullo and Lucius Vorenus, who are the only low-rank soldiers mentioned by Caesar in his book Commentaries on the Gallic War (Commentarii de Bello Gallico V.44). Thus, the fictionalization of events also took into account several Roman civilization data which were scattered through historical sources and also those that belong to the modern knowledge of material culture, resulting in a TV series whose filmic aesthetics has rare beauty and creativity. From the survey of textual, historical and cultural data put together in this film, as well as the distance featuring the creative space in the dimension of the gap between them, this paper aims to highlight two pivotal moments of visual and narrative strategies of the show: the opening credits footage and the final scenes of the first season of HBO's Rome.

A ordem republicana em Mato Grosso: disputas de poder e rotinização das práticas políticas - 1889-1917

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

80 anos do Manifesto dos Pioneiros da Educação Nova: questões para debate

O artigo, produzido no âmbito das comemorações dos 80 anos de publicação do Manifesto dos Pioneiros da Educação Nova, interroga-se sobre a atualidade dessa carta. Para tanto, explora as condições históricas de emergência do documento, os significados atribuídos à Escola Nova no Brasil na década de 1930 e as contendas ocorridas na arena educacional no período. Além disso, discorre sobre as especificidades do movimento escolanovista brasileiro, procurando demonstrar que a Escola Nova constituiu-se no país como uma fórmula, com significados múltiplos e distintas apropriações produzidas no entrelaçamento de três vertentes: a pedagógica, a ideológica e a política. No que tange ao primeiro aspecto, a indefinição das fronteiras conceituais permitiu que a expressão Escola Nova aglutinasse diferentes educadores, católicos e liberais, em torno de princípios pedagógicos do ensino ativo. No segundo caso, a fórmula ofereceu-se como meio para a transformação da sociedade, servindo às finalidades divergentes dos grupos em litígio. Já na terceira acepção, tornou-se bandeira política, sendo capturada como signo de renovação do sistema educacional pelo Manifesto e por seus signatários. Assim, o documento emergiu como parte do jogo político pela disputa do controle do Estado e de suas dinâmicas, e, portanto, como elemento de coesão de uma frente de educadores que, a despeito de suas diferenças, articulava-se em torno de alguns objetivos comuns, como laicidade, gratuidade e obrigatoriedade da educação. Ademais, ele também foi representante de um grupo de intelectuais que abraçava um mesmo projeto de nação, ainda que com divergências internas.

Ghana@50 – celebrating the nation: an eyewitness account from Accra /// Arbeitspapiere / Institut für Ethnologie und Afrikastudien ; 83

This article offers an account of the 50th Ghanaian independence-day celebrations during March 2007. The multi-perspective approach examines how celebrations were experienced in the Ghanaian capital Accra by the political elite and the grass roots at a variety of official and unofficial events that took place on 5 and 6 March 2007. During the festivities the authors accompanied Ghanaian friends from different political factions and thus provide close-hand accounts of political controversies over issues regarding how the nation ought to organise and celebrate its Independence Day, controversies which provide important insights into Ghanaian political culture. From this it is clear that the celebrations not only serve as expressions of national pride but also moments of critical reflection on the nation, national values and socio-political unity. These reflections, manifest as disputes about national and ethnic symbols, centre on the conditions and limits of political, social, ethnic and regional inclusiveness. At the same time, underlying such disputes are commonalities resting not on substantive symbols, cultural traits or other objectifiable characteristics, but on a Ghanaian consensus to agree on the issues at stake and on the rules of debate. Controversy thus functions not to divide but rather to strengthen national consciousness and deepen a sense of commonality that Ghanaians generally express as their commitment to ‘unity in diversity’.

Talking through walls: a history of the murals in Northern Ireland

This dissertation examines how some fundamental events of the history of Ireland emerge through the art of the mural. It is divided into three chapters. The first chapter opens with a brief presentation of the mural as a form of art with a semiotic and sociological function, with a particular focus on the socio-political importance it has had and still has today in Ireland, where murals are a significant means of expressing ideals, protest and commemoration. A part of this chapter also provides data about the number of murals and their location, with a particular focus on the two cities of Belfast and Derry. This first chapter ends with the presentation of an initiative put forth by the Arts Council of Northern Ireland, called "Building Peace through the Arts: Re-Imaging Communities", and questions its implementation on the Irish soil. The second chapter provides a history of the murals in Northern Ireland, from the Unionist's early depictions of King Billy in occasion of the 12 July annual celebrations to the Republican response. This will be supported by an explanation of the two events that triggered the start of the mural painting for both factions: the Battle of the Boyne for the Loyalists and the 1981 hunger strike for the Republicans. In the third and last chapter of this dissertation, a key of the main themes, symbols, acronyms and dominant colours which can be found in Loyalist and Republican murals is provided. Furthermore, one mural for each faction is looked at more closely, with an analysis of the symbols which are present in it.

Public Monuments and the Development of Siamese Nationalism, 1908-1945

A careful study of Siam's public monuments is the key to understanding the development of the Siamese nation in its formative period, from 1908 to 1945. As Siam's elites attempted to modernize the state in order to compete with the more developed powers of the West, they recognized that nationalism could potentially be used as a force to increase popular unity, consolidate modernization programs, legitimize their own authority, and protect the country from foreign conquest. The problem they faced, however, was how best to communicate nationalism to the people. Different factions throughout this era had their own idea of what it meant to be Siamese, and all of them wanted to control the national image. But literacy in Siam was extremely low, and art too expensive for most individuals to possess. Public political monuments, the focus of this thesis, therefore became the primary means of manifesting and propagating the underlying tenets of the new Siamese nation. Public monuments express the changing imaginings of the Siamese nation in this period of enormous transformations and turbulence, through the motives behind their commissioning, the political messages they convey, and popular reactions to the monuments. Three primary strains of Siamese nationalism emerged during this period: royalist nationalism, republican nationalism, and military nationalism. These three imaginings of the nation continually developed and interacted with each other, but each was particularly dominant at a given time in Siamese history. Monuments of the royalist period (1908-1925) embody the desire of Siam's kings to not only promote national pride amongst the Siamese people, but also advocate an image of nation and king as one. Monuments of the republican period (1925-1939) express the changing and sometimes contradictory events of their times, as they demonstrate new national values based on the sovereignty of the people, the value of the constitution, and the growing power of the military. And monuments of the military period (1939-1945) espouse an assertive and militaristic national image of warfare, patriotism, authority, and vigor. This thesis explores the nationalistic themes expressed in these monuments, and how these themes played out in the course of Siam's wider history.

Zukunftsforschung in Deutschland

Die Zukunftsforschung in Deutschland hat eine Geschichte, deren Wurzeln bis ins 19. Jahrhundert zurückreichen. Im ersten Teil wird dargestellt, wie sich seit etwa 1890 ein systematischer Umgang mit Zukunftsfragen herausbildete, welche Ansätze in der Zwischenkriegszeit entwickelt wurden, unter welchen Bedingungen sich die „Futurologie“ nach 1945 allmählich etablierte und welchen Stand sie bis zum Ende ihrer ersten Hochkonjunktur um 1970 erreichte. Den Schwerpunkt bildet dabei eine Analyse der unterschiedlichen methodischen Strömungen sowie der Institutionalisierung.

From Truth to Justice: How Does Amnesty Factor In? A Comparative Analysis of South Africa and Sierra Leone's Truth and Reconciliation Commissions

Truth and Reconciliation Commissions (TRC) have emerged in the last few decades as a mechanism for a state to overcome widespread, grave, human rights violations. There are numerous approaches to a TRC all with an ultimate goal: that formerly warring factions, perpetrators, witnesses, and victims can move forward as a united people. I propose that the provision of amnesty is critical to the success of a TRC. I hypothesize that the form of amnesty chosen (i.e. blanket v. conditional amnesty) determines the revelation of truth and realization of justice, which in turn dictates whether a TRC can achieve reconciliation. To test this hypothesis, I use two case studies: South Africa, which has utilized conditional amnesty, and Sierra Leone which has employed blanket amnesty. I create a model for measuring reconciliation. I can then look at the implications of both types of amnesty and assess which, in the end, is more effective. My overarching conclusion is that the provision of conditional amnesty is more effective than blanket amnesty in achieving reconciliation. Ultimately, I hope that this conclusion can be generalized to other TRCs.

Los grandes grupos económicos : Ganadores y perdedores en la post-convertibilidad : Un estudio basado en la trayectoria del sector servicios y en el nuevo rol del Estado [2002-2010]

A lo largo de la post-convertibilidad el esquema de los ganadores y perdedores entre los grandes grupos económicos 'pertenecientes al sector servicios, financiero, agro-industrial, industrial, petrolero-minero' se fue redefiniendo. Este trabajo de cuenta de tales cambios a partir de considerar los estudios sociales más importantes sobre el tema, que incluyen tanto el problema de la crisis de la convertibilidad como la nueva situación de los grandes grupos económicos y el Estado durante la post-convertibilidad. De esta manera es de suponer como necesario comenzar con una conceptualización de la crisis de la convertibilidad y sus consecuencias, para entender la situación y los problemas que debieron solucionar los grandes grupos económicos y el Estado a comienzos de la post-convertibilidad para impulsar un proceso de crecimiento económico sostenido. Así las dicotomías presentes entre los trabajos que priorizan, por un lado, la lucha entre fracciones, y, por otro, el peso de la crisis, nos servirá para dicho fin. En segundo lugar se analizaran los diferentes trabajos que explican, de diversas maneras, la nueva situación en que se encontraron -y se encuentran- las fracciones de la burguesía, y su relación con las funciones del Estado a lo largo de la post-convertibilidad. De aquí saldrán los principales insumos para pensar el rol del Estado -bajo un nuevo tipo de arbitraje- y las acciones de los grandes grupos económicos, ambos condicionados por la crisis de la convertibilidad y el mercado mundial. Con las conceptualizaciones aceptadas, se analizará la acción de los grandes grupos económicos y las funciones del Estado para un caso específico: los grandes grupos económicos de las empresas privatizadas y su relación con el nuevo tipo de arbitraje estatal en la post-convertibilidad, según dos periodos diferentes. Y, se redefinirá el esquema de ganadores y perdedores para tal caso, teniendo como elemento distintivo la relación de las empresas privatizadas y los subsidios