106 resultados para Europeanization


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Discourse analysis as a methodology is perhaps not readily associated with substantive causality claims. At the same time the study of discourses is very much the study of conceptions of causal relations among a set, or sets, of agents. Within Europeanization research we have seen endeavours to develop discursive institutional analytical frameworks and something that comes close to the formulation of hypothesis on the effects of European Union (EU) policies and institutions on domestic change. Even if these efforts so far do not necessarily amount to substantive theories or claims of causality, it suggests that discourse analysis and the study of causality are by no means opposites. The study of Europeanization discourses may even be seen as an essential step in the move towards claims of causality in Europeanization research. This paper deals with the question of how we may move from the study of discursive causalities towards more substantive claims of causality between EU policy and institutional initiatives and domestic change.

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320 p.

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A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Management from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics

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Foi a Política Externa Portuguesa Europeizada? A presente dissertação visa compreender o impacto do processo de integração europeia na Política Externa Portuguesa. Procura‐se identificar e compreender os efeitos da Europeização na elaboração, definição e implementação da Política Externa Portuguesa relativamente aos Países de Língua Oficial Portuguesa, elegendo Cabo Verde como estudo de caso. Num primeiro capítulo, de enquadramento conceptual, revisitamos os conceitos de política externa e de Europeização, bem como as principais teorias neste domínio. Em seguida, sistematizamos as grandes prioridades da Política Externa Portuguesa no período democrático pós‐Revolução de 1974 até à atualidade, com enfoque nos Países Áfricanos de Língua Oficial Portuguesa, em particular Cabo Verde. Identificamos igualmente os principais traços da atuação externa da União Europeia (UE) e a sua ação na África subsaariana, destacando, naturalmente, a Parceria Especial UE‐Cabo Verde. As relações entre Portugal e Cabo Verde merecem natural destaque, dado o enfoque específico da presente dissertação, constituindo o objeto do quarto capítulo. Depois de cruzar os dados e aplicando indicadores de Europeização desenvolvidos em modelos disponíveis na literatura (Capítulo V), concluímos que existe uma Europeização na elaboração, definição e implementação da Política Externa Portuguesa. O processo europeu influenciou os atores e o enquadramento, mas também alargou a zona de influência da Política Externa Portuguesa. Na relação com Cabo Verde, aumentou as possibilidades e os recursos disponíveis e, dessa forma, influenciou o relacionamento entre os dois países.

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We have witnessed in recent years, an obvious effort by the competent European institutions, towards the harmonization of general law applicable to all Member States (MS's). Many developments have been registered in several areas of law, a europeanization process that aims to add value to cross-border transactions and, consequently, the internal market and european trade. This trend manifests itself in general to the private law level, and particularly in contract law. The extension of the field in which market participants - whether professionals or consumers - can act, must imperatively be articulated with a consequent wider protection. After all, the consumer is also a leading European purposes and its level should not be called into question for the sake of promoting trade. The link between the positions of two opposing parties, professionals and consumers, requires commitment and work reinforced by the institutions but only on that basis is consistent legislative production. The proposed Regulation on a Common European Sales Law of the sale, the European Commission, set focus to European contract law and raises questions about the relevance and necessity of such uniformity. An instrument for purposes of harmonization of European contract law, that can be applied to all cross-border consumer contracts, similar in all MS's certainly bring many benefits. However, its applicability and usefulness would depend on the level of protection that would provide, compared to the existing national rights. Would an optional instrument ensure the designs of a common law? Moreover, would a binding instrument be the best alternative in that sense? Keywords:

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En els darrers temps els agrocombustibles s’han promocionat com una alternativa als combustibles fòssils,adquirint un pes important en les agendes polítiques internacionals. Les dues grans potències econòmiques mundials, els Estats Units i la Unió Europea, han impulsat els agrocombustibles a través de diferents estratègies; plans, legislació, però també amb excempcions fiscals i obligacions de barreja amb combustibles fòssils. En aquest marc, Catalunya va ser de les comunitats autònomes de l’Estat espanyol pioneres en la potenciació d’experiències de producció i consum d’agrocombustibles. A partir de l’anàlisi de la política i el debat a Catalunya es pot destacar la gran influència de l’esfera europea a través de diversos mecanismes en el procés, el que s’ha anomenat en la literatura com europeïtzació. Darrerament Europa s’ha convertit en un important centre de producció de polítiques públiques, especialment en polítiques ambientals i agrícoles a partir dels anys 80. És per aquest motiu que resulta rellevant conèixer les dinàmiques europees en una política complexa com la dels agrocombustibles a Catalunya, que presenta components energètics, però també amb altres aspectes relacionats amb el món agràri i el medi ambient.

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This article studies the diffusion of the main institutional feature of regulatory capitalism, namely, independent regulatory agencies. While only a few such authorities existed in Europe in the early 1980s, by the end of the twentieth century they had spread impressively across countries and sectors. The analysis finds that three classes of factors (bottom-up, top-down, and horizontal) explain this trend. First, the establishment of independent regulatory agencies was an attempt to improve credible commitment capacity when liberalizing and privatizing utilities and to alleviate the political uncertainty problem, namely, the risk to a government that its policies will be changed when it loses power. Second, Europeanization favored the creation of independent regulators. Third, individual decisions were interdependent, as governments were influenced by the decisions of others in an emulation process where the symbolic properties of independent regulators mattered more than the functions they performed.

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In March of 2004, the Observatory of European Foreign Policy published a special monograph about Spain in Europe (1996-2004) in digital format. The objective of the monograph was to analyse Spain’s foreign policy agenda and strategy during the period of José María Aznar’s presidency. As the title suggests, one of the initial suppositions of the analysis is the Europeanization of Spanish foreign activities. Is that how it was? Did Aznar’s Spain see the world and relate to it through Brussels? The publication was well received, considering the number of visits received and above all the institutions which asked to link the publication to their web pages. Among these, the EUobserver published the introduction to the piece in English titled Aznar: thinking locally, acting in Europe (described by the EUobserver as a paper of utmost importance). The fact that the elections were held three days after the tragic events of the 11th of March dramatically increased interest in Spain and the implications for Europe. This publication is the second of its type, in this case analysing the period of the Zapatero government (2004-2008). Once again the starting premise (the Europeanization of the agenda and the methods employed) has been considered by the analysts. And once again the articles collected in this publication serve to “triangulate” the analysis. Spain and Europe are two vertices (more or less distant, in essence and in form) which the authors handle in their analysis of the case (third vertex).

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Since the 1980s in Western Europe, centralized states' control over subnational territories has been deeply affected by processes of Europeanization and regionalization. These changes have raised the issue of state territorial restructuring in a particular fashion: what capacity have formerly centralized states retained to steer and control subnational territories? The article draws on Mann's concept of infrastructural power, which refers to the state's capacity to exercise control and implement political decisions over the national territory. The article applies the two main operationalizations of the concept, namely the capability of the state to exercise control and the weight of the state in the subnational territories. Empirically, the article focuses on the French state in two policy sectors (education and housing). Although France is a most likely case, this article challenges this expectation, and shows the limits of the French state's infrastructural power over the subnational territories since the late 1980s.

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As a result of the Europeanization of politics and the increasing role of the public sphere, political actors in Western Europe are currently facing a double strategic challenge. Based on data from seven West European countries and the European Union, the authors analyze how state actors, political parties, interest groups, and social movement organizations cope with this double challenge at both the national and the supranational level. Results indicate that the classic repertoire of inside strategies at the national level is still the most typical for all actors, but media-related strategies are also prominent at the national level. The Europeanization of repertoires is mainly determined by institutional factors and by the actors' power, whereas the public arena plays an equally important role for all types of actors, in all countries and at both the national and the EU level.

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The objective of this paper is to ascertain whether the EU is seeking policy convergence with its neighbours in the area of trade by means of EU regulations. For each trade- related topic, we carried out a content analysis of the available official documents to identify the model of relations that has been established between the EU and four neighbouring countries (Morocco, Algeria, Ukraine and Georgia). The findings indicate that Europeanization is the EU strategy in most cases. However, adaptation to European regulations is only a long-term aim. When international regulations exist in a specific area, the EU usually demands the internationalization of a country¿s regulations as a first step. When there are no international regulations, the convergence process is established on the basis of bilaterally developed norms. EU strategy also varies depending on the country. Its relations with Algeria are the most particular. We conclude that the EU is promoting policy convergence with its neighbours in the area of trade mainly on the basis of international and bilaterally-developed regulations.

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The objective of this paper is to ascertain whether the EU is seeking policy convergence with its neighbours in the area of trade by means of EU regulations. For each trade- related topic, we carried out a content analysis of the available official documents to identify the model of relations that has been established between the EU and four neighbouring countries (Morocco, Algeria, Ukraine and Georgia). The findings indicate that Europeanization is the EU strategy in most cases. However, adaptation to European regulations is only a long-term aim. When international regulations exist in a specific area, the EU usually demands the internationalization of a country¿s regulations as a first step. When there are no international regulations, the convergence process is established on the basis of bilaterally developed norms. EU strategy also varies depending on the country. Its relations with Algeria are the most particular. We conclude that the EU is promoting policy convergence with its neighbours in the area of trade mainly on the basis of international and bilaterally-developed regulations.