979 resultados para Ethnic Communities


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Esta investigación pretende analizar la instrumentalización de lo étnico después de la masacre en Bahía Portete (La Guajira, Colombia, 2004); Instrumentalización entendida como el uso estratégico de la diferencia para negociar, visibilizar, perseguir objetivos y obtener reconocimiento, en el marco de unas relaciones de poder que se dan dentro de un Estado que ha tendido a convertir lo étnico en punto de acción. En este sentido, se describe el contexto de la comunidad Wayuu en Colombia y algunos mecanismos estatales que convirtieron lo étnico en foco de acción. Este estudio se enmarca en el debate acerca de la construcción de sujetos étnicos dentro del Estado Colombiano y busca entender el uso estratégico de la etnicidad a partir de las acciones emprendidas por la comunidad Wayuu de Bahía Portete después de la masacre para lo cual la metodología de investigación será principalmente el análisis de fuentes académicas sobre lo étnico en Colombia y en general, entrevistas a los líderes de la comunidad, noticias sobre eventos estratégicos y el análisis de fuentes y de los mecanismos Estatales que tienen lo étnico como foco de acción.

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“Musealising hope” reflects on the trials and tribulations of an installation designed as a tribute to the struggle for survival of African peoples who dare make the long trek to Europe by sea. Its accomplishment involved a number of players whose conduct and reactions to events bear witness to the manner in which artists, the media, heads of cultural institutions, museologists, welfare institutions, and politicians cope with the phenomenon of immigration and with our present-day multicultural societies. In turn, this artistic endeavour and its symbolic signification highlight the changes which art and culture have undergone over the past few years and the kind of transformation which new inter-ethnic communities have brought to bear on concepts such as national heritage, identity or memory.

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The linguistic situation in Australia today presents an intriguing case for sociolinguistic inquiries. Despite the recent waves of migration from non Anglo-Celtic regions, the majority of Australians today are primarily monolingual with English being the dominant language. More critical, perhaps, is the diminishing appeal of second language learning even among second generation speakers of the large ethnic communities. This is indeed ironic giving that prior to white settlement in Australia, the Aboriginal inhabitants were predominantly multilingual with more than 250 languages (and many of their dialects) spoken by the 300 000 original inhabitants at the time when Captain James Cook's ship reached Botany Bay in Sydney in 1770. Given the size of the post-War migration, it was not until 1987 that the Australian government adopted a formal national policy on languages becoming 'the first English-speaking country to have such a policy and the first in the world to have a multilingual languages policy' (Australian Alliance for Languages 2001: 2). This paper will discuss the historical context for multilingualism in Australia and the current trend in government policy and funding. It will provide insights into community language programs and the challenges of remaining viable and relevant in the current social and political climate. Statistical analyses will be used to highlight emerging trends and future prospects.

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In light of these continuing debates concerning immigration, national identity and belonging, re-examinations of immigrant and ethnic communities, often referred to as ‘diaspora,’ have become increasingly popular and prudent. Khachig Tololian, editor of Diaspora magazine, calls diaspora “exemplary communities of the transnational moment.”5 In an increasingly globalized world, where labor, capital, and resources are passed fluidly from continent to continent, diaspora are created by relocation or displacement of immigrant workers and their descendents.6 For these unskilled, immigrant laborers, middle class immigrants, and the children of both groups, adaptation to the culture, society, and life in a new ‘host’ country can be difficult, to say the least. So, in response to a new cultural landscape and a tenuous sense belonging, as well as to maintain a connection with a shared past, citizens of the world’s numerous diaspora replicate linguistic, cultural, and social norms, creating their own “cultural space[s]” that mirror and often replace a past relationship to their land of origin, or ‘home’.

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In the wake of a Greece-inspired coup against the Greek Cypriot President of Cyprus in 1974, the Turkish military occupied the northern third of the island and continues to do so. Ethnic communities are still separated: Greek Cypriots moved to the south and Turkish Cypriots to the north. This paper covers issues raised by the bi-communal conservation projects resulting from the European Union’s Partnership for the Future Programme being implemented by the United Nations Development Programme. The projects require co-operation between mutually distrustful, fearful and disdainful communities for the sake of common objectives – social and economic wellbeing. Cyprus has apparently opted for conflict management rather than resolution, with both sides focused on achieving prosperity. Heritage conservation has become a tool for peaceful co-existence and mutual pride. Initially the projects involved places of shared heritage rather than places reinforcing the separate cultural identities of the communities. Loss of cultural identity is a concern of both communities. Ongoing operational issues derive from the illegality of the Turkish government in the north and the repercussions of this for international aid. The paper will contribute to the conference theme by exploring the professional challenges related to these issues and their possible resolution.

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The physical adaptation, remaking and maintenance, or building of the house plays a significant role in immigrants’ sense of belonging to a community, especially in contexts of first generation elderly immigrants with minimal English language skills. Psychoanalytic theories propose that objects are integral to a subject’s identity, but that the path of effect between the subject and object is not causal or direct, rather it goes via the unconscious. This paper seeks to examine the relationship between immigrants and their houses through these theories adapting them to an analysis of the houses. It draws its data from field research of three elderly immigrant households. The iconography of the house has always been perceived as central to the analysis of dreams, here the thesis is that the house is the most significant object of the immigrant because it mediates the many worlds inherent to the migrant’s imaginary landscapes. The analysis will seek to understand this role of the house.

Secondly, while many houses in which migrants live can barely be differentiated in clear physical ways from the typology of houses built in Australia, the perception that they are different is a strong myth. At the least it has resulted in very little, if any, study of this vernacular of new Australian houses. It would be easy to argue that to build a house in Australia is the most important mode of assimilation because a way of life is intrinsically set by this suburban paradigm. But for the reason of this perception of difference I will explore an idea about ethnic aesthetics as a mode of resisting assimilation. In writing on taste in his seminal book, Distinction, the sociologist, Pierre Bourdieu, has argued that taste is a way of classifying people into classes, race, culture, but it is also a way for dominant and ruling classes to resist challenges from other parties, and maintain a particular hierarchy of society. In this case those other parties are ethnic communities in Australia whose tastes are not always the same as that of the dominant Anglo-Celtic community.

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This paper explores the activities of an Irish-led voluntary sector project that sought to minimise social isolation and build social networks among Irish elderly people living in a socio-economically deprived borough in South London, UK. The study from which this paper is drawn aimed to explore the nature and extent of unmet mental health needs among Irish pensioners. Using a naturalistic and exploratory design, data were collected through 19 semi-structured interviews, observation of project activities and analysis of members' case files. The paper presents findings in relation to the significant themes that emerged from the data analysis, which used a grounded theory approach. It discusses the social support systems within the project and examines the ways in which they maintained the mental wellbeing of the projects' members and interconnected with other areas of the project's activities. The study's findings demonstrated that the project provided space for social interaction among otherwise isolated Irish pensioners, many of whom experienced multiple morbidity. The project worked successfully to overcome the sense of stigma that prevented many of its members accessing statutory services; it also identified needs among carers. There was an Irish cultural ambience at the project centre, which generated a sense of belonging among members, and assisted in the development of social networks. The project initiated other forms of social support through the use of volunteers and developed befriending and telephone support services. The project developed partnership working with other agencies, particularly community mental health services, in order to provide support to elderly people who might otherwise have been institutionalised. The project engaged with the cultural norms of this marginalised white minority ethnic community to promote both social interaction and social networks. It offered a model of good practice for agencies working with isolated elderly members of minority ethnic communities.

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This thesis uses political theory to analyse and compare the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission and the Federation of Ethnic Communities' Councils of Australia. It argues that 'self-determination' and 'multiculturalism' in practice hide the power of the Anglo-Australian dominant culture and stifle the possibilities of more viable intercultural political innovation.

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Culture and spirit of land is integral to Indigenous community meaning and identity. With colonisation, transmigration and assimilation policies and practices over the last 200 years, many Indigenous communities, like the Minahasa, have witnessed their culture, curatorial responsibilities, and their mythological associations to their lands eroded. Minahasa, meaning 'becoming one united', encompasses some eight ethnic communities who reside in the Minahasa regencies in the North Sulawesi Province on Sulawesi Island in Indonesia. The region was first colonised by the Portuguese in the 16th century, and then by the Dutch VOC (Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie) in the 17th and 18th centuries bringing a strong Christian Protestant faith to the communities that appropriated many of the cultural symbols and mythological narratives of the Minahasa, and now compromises the largest concentration of Christian faith in the Indonesian archipelago being one of the reasons why there was considerable political requests for the region to formally become a province of The Netherlands in the lead up to Indonesian independence in 1945.

North Sulawesi never developed any large empire like on other islands in the archipelago. In 670, the leaders of the different tribes, who all spoke different languages, met by a stone known as Watu Pinawetengan. There they founded a community of independent states, who would form one unit and stay together and would fight any outside enemies if they were attacked, and the Dutch used this cultural ethos to help unite the linguistically diverse Minahasa confederacy under their colonial regime. Integral to the Minahasa is the Watu Pinawetengan and the series of narratives that enjoin the Minahasan communities to this place and around Lake Tondano. With Indonesian governance considerable angst has been launched by the Minahasa about loss of local autonomy, generic Indonesian policies, and a lack of respect of Indigenous culture and non-mainstream religions within this predominantly Moslem nation. This paper reviews the state of knowledge as to the cultural associations and genius loci meanings of the Minahasa, to their landscape and place, cast against contemporary Indonesian 10 year plans and policies that seek to generically manage the collective Indonesian archipelago as one community and landscape. It is a critique about the Minahasan Indigenous land use and planning philosophies, against top-down generic land use and environmental policies and plans written in Jakarta for generic application across the Indonesian archipelago.

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Rapid population influx due to migration in Australia has produced diverse cultural landscapes, which become visible in cities as physical forms, settings and symbols produced by different ethnic communities. Scholars have argued that people moving away from the country of their birth, whether this be a necessary migration, labour mobility or voluntary migration, results in a difficult process of resettlement for families and individuals. To provide a cohesive multicultural society for all citizens, it is essential to understand how immigrants perceive their new environments and how they make connections in a new land in the process of cultural renewal. While the policy of ‘multiculturalism’ has had a rocky road since the optimistic 1970s, a drive through many suburbs in Australian cities shows buildings, festivals and communal gatherings of people that express and refer to diverse cultural backgrounds. Urban green spaces, ranging from private home gardens to public parks and botanical gardens, play an important role in the life of immigrants. Besides psychological and the restorative effects of urban green spaces, these spaces are public places that provide opportunities for recreation, social gatherings, and the celebration of collective cultural values and events such as festivals for many communities. This study aims to raise awareness of ethnicity as an important issue in park settings and spaces. It investigates the interrelationship between these cultural practices in the urban park environment, in relation to ethnic and cultural identity and physical settings. The concept of transculturalism – reinventing a new common culture as a result of migration to a new place – can help the analysis of the affects and the perception of urban green spaces. The paper will review different experiences of immigrants in relation to the use and perception of urban green spaces, developing alternative perspectives about the Australian landscapes.

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In this article we present the plants used for the treatment of malaria and associated symptoms in Santa Isabel do Rio Negro in the Brazilian Amazon. The region has important biological and cultural diversities including more than twenty indigenous ethnic groups and a strong history in traditional medicine. The aims of this study are to survey information in the Baniwa, Baré, Desana, Piratapuia, Tariana, Tukano, Tuyuca, Yanomami ethnic communities and among caboclos (mixed-ethnicity) on: a) plant species used for the treatment of malaria and associated symptoms; b) dosage forms and c) distribution of these anti-malarial plants in the Amazon. Information was obtained through classical ethnobotanical and ethnopharmacological methods from interviews with 146 informants in Santa Isabel municipality on the upper Negro River, Brazil. Fifty-five mainly native neotropical plant species from 34 families were in use. The detailed uses of these plants were documented. The result was 187 records (64.4%) of plants for the specific treatment of malaria, 51 records (17.5%) of plants used in the treatment of liver problems and 28 records (9.6%) of plants used in the control of fevers associated with malaria. Other uses described were blood fortification ('dar sangue'), headache and prophylaxis. Most of the therapeutic preparations were decoctions and infusions based on stem bark, root bark and leaves. These were administered by mouth. In some cases, remedies were prepared with up to three different plant species. Also, plants were used together with other ingredients such as insects, mammals, gunpowder and milk. This is the first study on the anti-malarial plants from this region of the Amazon. Aspidosperma spp. and Ampelozizyphus amazonicus Ducke were the most cited species in the communities surveyed. These species have experimental proof supporting their anti-malarial efficacy. The dosage of the therapeutic preparations depends on the kind of plant, quantity of plant material available, the patient's age (children and adults) and the local expert. The treatment time varies from a single dose to up to several weeks. Most anti-malarial plants are domesticated or grow spontaneously. They are grown in home gardens, open areas near the communities, clearings and secondary forests, and wild species grow in areas of seasonally flooded wetlands and terra firme (solid ground) forest, in some cases in locations that are hard to access. Traditional knowledge of plants was found to be falling into disuse presumably as a consequence of the local official health services that treat malaria in the communities using commercial drugs. Despite this, some species are used in the prevention of this disease and also in the recovery after using conventional anti-malarial drugs.