Le cinéma des Premières Nations du Québec et des Inuit du Nunavut : réappropriation culturelle et esthétique du sacré.

Résumé Cette thèse de doctorat porte sur le cinéma envisagé comme un agent de réappropriation culturelle pour les Premières Nations du Québec et les Inuit du Nunavut. De manière plus spécifique, nous avons cherché à comprendre comment les peuples autochtones et inuit se servent d’un médium contemporain pour prendre la parole, revendiquer leurs droits politiques et réécrire une histoire ayant été jusqu’à récemment racontée selon le point du vue de médiateurs externes. À cet effet, l’emprunt d’éléments propres aux méthodologies autochtones, autant dans la forme que dans le contenu, auront permis de faire ressortir un aspect particulier des cultures autochtones, soit la manifestation d’une pensée orale centrée autour de la notion du sacré. La première partie de cette recherche est ainsi consacrée à la théorisation d’un sacré autochtone omniprésent dans toutes les sphères de leur quotidien, et qui se transpose à l’écran sous la forme d’une esthétique particulière, que nous nommons esthétique du sacré. En outre, le visionnement et l’analyse de courts et de long-métrages autochtones et inuit ont fait ressortir avec force les principaux éléments d’une esthétique du sacré qui s’exprime entre autres à travers une éthique de travail privilégiant la collaboration communautaire et une écoute attentive de la parole de l’interlocuteur, ainsi qu’à travers la remédiation des récits issus de la tradition orale. Ainsi, l’exploration de l’œuvre documentaire d’Alanis Obomsawin met de l’avant l’importance du rôle joué par les femmes autochtones au sein de leurs communautés, celles-ci se présentant comme les principaux agents de changement et médiatrices de leur culture. Dans la même veine, l’étude du projet Wapikoni Mobile nous a permis d’esquisser un portrait nouveau de la jeunesse autochtone, les œuvres réalisées par ces cinéastes néophytes reflétant l’importance pour eux de réactualiser la tradition tout en nourrissant des liens de confiance avec leurs aînés, ces gardiens de la mémoire. Enfin, le dernier chapitre portant sur l’élaboration d’une nouvelle cinématographie inuit démontre comment le cinéma est un outil apte à traduire avec justesse les subtilités présentes dans les récits issus de la tradition orale.

Le dialogue des juges entre la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme et la Cour interaméricaine des droits de l’homme

Cette étude a pour but de présenter le dialogue entre les juges de la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme (CEDH) et de la Cour interaméricaine des droits de l’homme (CIADH), deux Cours régionales supranationales, visant toutes deux à garantir le respect des droits fondamentaux. Le dialogue est étudié à travers l’analyse du contentieux portant sur l’intégrité de la personne humaine et sur la protection des droits économiques et sociaux. Ce sujet se rattache au contexte de mondialisation qui vient transformer les relations de pouvoir et révèle l’émancipation des juges dans la régulation transgouvernementale. Le présent mémoire conclut que le dialogue vise à établir une cohérence entre les systèmes afin de faire prévaloir une vision commune des droits de l’homme à travers la constitution d’un espace euro-américain, tel un réseau d’échange informel. Néanmoins, le dialogue est limité par certains facteurs contextuels liés aux réalités contrastées des deux systèmes régionaux ainsi que par la volonté des acteurs étatiques.

Analyse féministe des droits de la femme : l’épreuve de la théorie non idéale

Ce mémoire de maitrise propose de faire une analyse féministe du concept de droit de la femme tel qu’il est conçu dans les théories des droits humains. Le paradigme libéral en théorie des droits humains sera critiqué parce qu’il contient des idéalisations inégalitaires. Cela mènera à aborder la question sous l’angle de droits humains spécifiques aux femmes. Cette investigation commencera par l’examen de la possibilité théorique de produire une théorie des droits de la femme plausible. L’importance de tenir compte des conditions non idéales du monde sera soulignée. Puis, une argumentation en faveur de droits socioéconomiques spécifiques sera faite. Enfin, cela mènera à une défense de l’approche des capabilités de Martha Nussbaum pour la protection des intérêts particuliers des femmes.

Building a left coast: the legacy of the California Popular Front and the challenge to Cold War liberalism in the post-world war two era

The Cold War in the late 1940s blunted attempts by the Truman administration to extend the scope of government in areas such as health care and civil rights. In California, the combined weakness of the Democratic Party in electoral politics and the importance of fellow travelers and communists in state liberal politics made the problem of how to advance the left at a time of heightened Cold War tensions particularly acute. Yet by the early 1960s a new generation of liberal politicians had gained political power in the Golden State and was constructing a greatly expanded welfare system as a way of cementing their hold on power. In this article I argue that the New Politics of the 1970s, shaped nationally by Vietnam and by the social upheavals of the 1960s over questions of race, gender, sexuality, and economic rights, possessed particular power in California because many activists drew on the longer-term experiences of a liberal politics receptive to earlier anti-Cold War struggles. A desire to use political involvement as a form of social networking had given California a strong Popular Front, and in some respects the power of new liberalism was an offspring of those earlier battles.

Building equity from the beginning: the children and adolescents of Ibero-America

Includes bibliography

为平等的结构改变 综合发展

In today's complex and changing global context, the Latin American and Caribbean region must persevere, more than ever, in three directions: structural change to underpin progress towards more knowledge-intensive sectors, convergence to reduce internal and external gaps in income and productivity, and equality of rights. This is the integrated approach proposed by ECLAC as a route towards the development the region needs. This implies tackling three major challenges: to achieve high and sustained rates of growth so as to close structural gaps and generate quality jobs; to change consumption and production patterns in the context of a genuine technological revolution with environmental sustainability; and to guarantee equality on the basis of greater convergence in the production structure, with universal social protection and capacity-building. Such an endeavour requires the return of politics and of the State's role in promoting investment and growth, redistribution and regulation with a view to structural change for equality, through industrial, macroeconomic, social and labour policies. These are some of the key proposals of Structural Change for Equality: An Integrated Approach to Development, which ECLAC will present to its member States at the thirty-fourth session of the Commission (San Salvador, August 2012). The proposals in that document, which is summarized here, deepen and broaden the ideas set forth in Time for equality: closing gaps, opening trails, aiming towards sustainable development with equality and taking into account the diverse national conditions across the region.

Strumenti finanziari partecipativi e "nuovi" canali di finanziamento delle societa' per azioni

Il lavoro affronta il tema degli strumenti finanziari partecipativi e non partecipativi che possono essere emessi dalle società per azioni, alla luce della disciplina introdotta dalla riforma del diritto societario. Lo studio è diretto a fornire un inquadramento sistematico di queste modalità di finanziamento rispetto alla dicotomia azioni-obbligazioni, anche sotto il profilo contabile, per poi individuare le conseguenti implicazioni in termini di disciplina applicabile. Affrontando il dibattito dottrinale sulla collocazione complessiva degli strumenti ibridi rispetto alle forme di finanziamento tradizionali, si sposa l’opinione secondo cui tutti gli strumenti finanziari non possono essere ricompresi in una categoria unitaria, ma occorre mantenere distinti gli strumenti finanziari partecipativi indicati dall’art. 2346, comma 6, c.c., dagli altri strumenti finanziari ex art. 2411, comma 3, c.c., riconoscendo nei primi delle modalità di raccolta assimilabili al capitale di rischio e nei secondi delle forme di provvista di capitale di debito. Il connotato distintivo tra strumenti finanziari partecipativi e non partecipativi viene individuato non nell’attribuzione di diritti amministrativi – che possono anche non essere assegnati ai titolari di strumenti di cui all’art. 2346, comma 6 – bensì nell’assenza o nella presenza di un obbligo di rimborso dell’apporto fornito all’impresa. Il lavoro esamina inoltre vari profili di disciplina di entrambe le categorie di strumenti, concentrandosi prevalentemente sui diritti patrimoniali ad essi attribuibili, tra cui la partecipazione agli utili e alle perdite e i diritti in sede di liquidazione. Infine si esaminano le previsioni recentemente introdotte dal d.l. n. 83/2012 in tema di titoli obbligazionari, al fine di valutarne l’impatto sull’impianto complessivo della disciplina vigente. In particolare, viene data attenzione alle nuove disposizioni relative alle obbligazioni subordinate e/o partecipative che possono essere emesse dalle società non quotate, mettendo in evidenza le criticità dal punto di vista sistematico in tema di possibile partecipazione agli utili degli obbligazionisti.

Gestión del ordenamiento territorial en América Latina : desarrollo recientes

Las principales conclusiones del estudio realizado entre los años 2001 y 2002 sobre las políticas de ordenamiento territorial que desde comienzos de los años ochenta del siglo pasado se desarrollaban en los países de América Latina muestran que hacia el año 2002 las políticas latinoamericanas de Ordenamiento Territorial (OT) se encontraban en un estado incipiente. A través del análisis de los casos de países como Argentina, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Uruguay, México y Colombia se puede observar la complejidad de la gestión territorial en América Latina y los desafíos que enfrenta. Frente a esto es necesaria una apuesta territorial integral hacia un modelo de desarrollo en el que la política económica (global), las políticas sectoriales y las territoriales confluyan en la búsqueda de un nuevo orden territorial regionalmente armónico y equilibrado, socialmente justo y democrático, descentralizado, ambientalmente sostenible y económicamente competitivo, pero entendiendo dicha competitividad sin detrimento de los derechos sociales, ambientales y económicos de los ciudadanos. Es posible que bajo la lógica perversa de la economía de mercado esto sea una utopía, pero es lo único que le da sentido y significado socialmente aceptable a las políticas de desarrollo y ordenamiento territorial.

Direitos sociais na Constituição: uma análise da constitucionalização dos direitos sociais em Portugal, 1975-76

Embora todas as constituições incluam direitos, e muitas delas incluam direitos sociais, a verdade é que algumas são mais generosas do que outras a este respeito. Mas nenhuma se aproxima da Constituição da República Portuguesa de 1976 no que toca à extensão e detalhe do seu catálogo de direitos sociais, económicos e culturais. As principais teorias sobre as origens de instituições geraram hipóteses explicativas da constitucionalização desta segunda geração de direitos. Sucede, porém, que estas hipóteses não conseguem explicar de forma totalmente convincente o processo de constitucionalização dos direitos sociais. Isto é ainda mais verdade em casos como o do nosso país, cujo carácter discrepante os tornam ainda mais difíceis de explicar. Neste artigo, estas teorias e respectivas hipóteses serão testadas por relação ao caso português o qual será, sempre que se revelar necessário, comparado com o espanhol. Visamos alcançar dois objectivos com este exercício. Por um lado, pretendemos identificar as limitações das explicações dominantes, incluindo as teorias e hipóteses sobre os mecanismos causais responsáveis pela inclusão de direitos sociais nas constituições. Por outro lado, o nosso propósito é o de conceber explicações alternativas sempre que as existentes se revelem inadequadas ou insuficientes.

Citizenship in post-awakening Tunisia: power shifts and conflicting perceptions

With the passing of its new Constitution, Tunisia is rightly celebrated as the Arab state that has advanced the most in strengthening democratic rights provisions. The Constitution formally enshrines the progress Tunisia has made especially on women’s rights; the rights of expression and assembly; freedom of the press; the rights of political parties; and the formal recognition of social and economic rights. However, the Constitution does not definitively resolve tensions between individual and religious rights. In order to maintain consensus between the differing opinions in Tunisia, the document remains ambivalent on the state’s precise role in protecting the ‘sacred’. Tunisia has made much progress, but the Constitution is likely to perpetuate rather than close debates over different concepts of rights.

"Where is the Wealth?" Echoing the King's 2014 speech in light of the delay in the implementation of the new Constitution. Arab Citizenship Review No. 16, 19 February 2016

In Morocco, the new Constitution promised by King Mohammed VI in 2011 has raised high expectations regarding the improvement of socio-economic standards in the country and the possible redistribution of national wealth in a more transparent and democratic way. Just like Tunisia and Egypt, Moroccan demonstrators of the 20 February Movement had taken to the streets to ask for more freedom and democracy, but also to call for social equality and an end to corruption. Many of the grievances and the claims raised by demonstrators fell within the domain of socio-economic rights. Even though it might still be early to take stock, five years down the road, it is possible to provide a fist assessment of the major changes in Morocco in the socio-economic area. The attempt is to analyse whether the improvements introduced by the new Constitution have met the expectations of the people standing up for their rights in the wake of the Arab Spring, or whether the Kingdom of Morocco has fallen short on its promise to undertake structural change.

EU-Iran Relations after the Nuclear Deal.

The signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action between Iran and global powers in July 2015 was a major turning point in the emerging strategic landscape of the Middle East. The ‘nuclear deal’ led to the lifting by the EU and the US of nuclear-related sanctions, and is now operational. Other sanctions remain in place, however. Nevertheless, unhindered by US competition, European trade delegations have entered into a latter-day gold rush, led by the promise of the biggest untapped market in the world. As such, the EU has both an opportunity and a responsibility to help Iran reintegrate properly into the international system. But, in the face of an opaque clerical regime that relies on internal repression and military business conglomerates, Europe stands to lose if it continues to pursue its uncalculated and uncoordinated approach towards the Islamic Republic. This report offers recommendations to guide the EU towards a comprehensive EU strategy for relations with Iran. It maintains that there is no other option but to keep universal values and the rule of law at the core of the emerging bilateral relationship. In fact, the protection of the economic rights of European traders and investors allows the EU to push for wider reforms and the normalisation of relations.

Struggles for Citizenship in South Africa

South Africa’s first democratic constitution of 1996, which defines the content and scope of citizenship, emerged out of what the country’s Constitutional Court accurately described as ‘a deeply divided society characterized by strife, conflict, untold suffering and injustice which generated gross violations of human rights, the transgression of humanitarian principles in violent conflicts and a legacy of hatred, fear, guilt and revenge’ (cited in Jagwanth, 2003: 7). The constitution was internationally noteworthy for its expressed protection of women’s and sexual minority rights and its extension of rights of citizenship to socio-economic rights, such as rights of adequate healthcare, housing and education (SAGI, 1996). During South Africa’s first two decades of democracy, the Constitutional Court has proven its independence by advancing citizenship rights on a number of occasions (O’Regan, 2012). The struggle for citizenship was at the heart of the liberation struggle against the apartheid regime and within the complex dynamics of the anti-apartheid movement, increasingly sophisticated and intersectional demands for citizenship were made. South Africa’s constitutional rights for citizenship are not always matched in practice. The country’s high rates of sexual violence, ongoing poverty and inequality and public attitudes towards the rights of sexual minorities and immigrants lag well behind the spirit and letter of the constitution. Nevertheless, the achievement of formal citizenship rights in South Africa was the result of a prolonged and complex liberation struggle and analysis of South Africa demonstrates Werbner’s claim that ‘struggles over citizenship are thus struggles over the very meaning of politics and membership in a community’ (1999: 221). This chapter will begin with a contextual and historical overview before moving onto analyzing the development of non-racialism as a basis for citizenship, non-sexism and gendered citizenship, contestations of white, militarized citizenship and the achievement of sexual citizenship by the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) rights movement. As shall be made clear, all these citizenship demands emerged during the decades of the country’s liberation struggle.

Na granicy Unii Europejskiej – pozycja europejskich terytoriów autonomicznych w dobie globalizacji i integracji. Przypadek Wysp Alandzkich

The model of autonomy developed by the Aland Isles can provide a number of interesting solutions applicable in other territories. Territorial autonomy as a manner of ensuring the political and economic rights of the minority involves facing up to the challenges of European integration and globalization. It seems that the Aland Isles have successfully coped with this challenge. Firstly, they were able to present and promote their own interests during the accession negotiations in an efficient manner. Secondly, they maintained (and additionally strengthened by including it in the aquis communitaire) their separate, autonomous status and the guarantees of identity protection by virtue of limiting the rights of persons without domicile rights to purchase land and run business activity. Thirdly, they managed to obtain a special status excluding them from the process of indirect tax harmonization, thus ensuring considerable economic benefits. Fourthly, both Finland and the European Union confirmed their autonomy, demilitarization and neutrality allowing the Isles to retain their former status under the new circumstances. Fifthly, they obtained representation in the Committee of the Regions and a defined position on European matters in Finland. The skillful application of the existing solutions and the winning of an advantageous set of derogations and exceptions strengthened the position of the Isles both with respect to Finland and the international surroundings. The Isles’ economic, cultural and political protection was augmented. Alongside their participation in international organizations, such as The Nordic Board, the Aland Isles have remained active and discernible on the international arena.

LA PROTECCIÓN DE LOS DERECHOS DE AUTOR EN LAS INSTITUCIONES PÚBLICAS: EL CASO DEL TRIBUNAL SUPREMO DE ELECCIONES

Las instituciones públicas tienen el derecho de disfrutar de latitularidad de las obras literarias que producen, según estácontemplado en la legislación nacional. A pesar de que lalegislación es clara, las instituciones del Estado no siempre registran sus obras en el Registro Nacional de Derechos de Autor y Derechos Conexos. Se estudia en particular el caso del Tribunal Supremo de Elecciones para determinar cuáles obras tiene inscritas, cuáles faltan por registrar y por qué.