The post-Lisbon role of the European Parliament in the EU's Common Commercial Policy: Implications for bilateral trade negotiations. EU Diplomacy Paper 05/2012, July 2012

This paper sets out to conduct an empirical analysis of the post-Lisbon role of the European Parliament (EP) in the EU’s Common Commercial Policy through an examination of the ‘deep and comprehensive’ bilateral Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) currently negotiated as part of the EU’s Global Europe strategy. The EU-Korea and EU-India FTAs are used as case studies in order to determine the implications of the EP’s enhanced trade powers on the processes, actors and outcomes of EU bilateral trade policy. The EP is now endowed with the ‘hard power’ of consent in the ratification phase of FTAs, acting as a threat to strengthen its ‘soft power’ to influence negotiations. The EP is developing strategies to influence the mandate and now plays an important role in the implementation of FTAs. The entry of this new player on the Brussels trade policy field has brought about a shift in the institutional balance of power and opened up the EP as a new point of access for trade policy lobbyists. Finally, increased EP involvement in EU trade policy has brought about a politicisation of EU trade policy and greater normative outcomes of FTAs.

Previsão de cargas elétricas através de um modelo híbrido de regressão com redes neurais

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Granulometria e textura do milho em dietas para poedeiras comerciais: consumo de energia elétrica, desempenho e qualidade de ovos

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

A política externa estadunidense no atual quadro político sul-americano

The central thesis that we aim to survey in this paper is that the present South-American political scene has required of the American imperialism a strategical redesign, in the sense of the neutralization, weakening and, if it is possible, destruction of regional political experiences/tendencies not aligned to its foreign politics. Under the mask of the defense of democracy and beneath the argument that Latin American "market oriented politics" are at stake, due to questions that goes back from the "delin-quency" —in Mexico—, the global terrorism, the organized international crime up to the worldwide drug traffic, the global strategy of American imperialism then sets up the definition of a new doctrine of preventive war that justifies the utilization of hard power against any country, in the name of its own defense. At the heart of the question what —actually— is in the agenda is the defense (and reproduction) of the benefits of its multinationals corporations and financial capital, by means of the international sub-traction of profitable assets, such as financial, energetic, communicational and natural resources, in addition to the domination of local markets, beyond facilitating capital flee amongst others.

Development of system separation strategy using synchrophasor data

In the current market system, power systems are operated at higher loads for economic reasons. Power system stability becomes a genuine concern in such operating conditions. In case of failure of any larger component, the system may become stressed. These events may start cascading failures, which may lead to blackouts. One of the main reasons of the major recorded blackout events has been the unavailability of system-wide information. Synchrophasor technology has the capability to provide system-wide real time information. Phasor Measurement Units (PMUs) are the basic building block of this technology, which provide the Global Positioning System (GPS) time-stamped voltage and current phasor values along with the frequency. It is being assumed that synchrophasor data of all the buses is available and thus the whole system is fully observable. This information can be used to initiate islanding or system separation to avoid blackouts. A system separation strategy using synchrophasor data has been developed to answer the three main aspects of system separation: (1) When to separate: One class support machines (OC-SVM) is primarily used for the anomaly detection. Here OC-SVM was used to detect wide area instability. OC-SVM has been tested on different stable and unstable cases and it is found that OC-SVM has the capability to detect the wide area instability and thus is capable to answer the question of “when the system should be separated”. (2) Where to separate: The agglomerative clustering technique was used to find the groups of coherent buses. The lines connecting different groups of coherent buses form the separation surface. The rate of change of the bus voltage phase angles has been used as the input to this technique. This technique has the potential to exactly identify the lines to be tripped for the system separation. (3) What to do after separation: Load shedding was performed approximately equal to the sum of power flows along the candidate system separation lines should be initiated before tripping these lines. Therefore it is recommended that load shedding should be initiated before tripping the lines for system separation.

Bases teóricas dos processos de medicalização: um olhar sobre as forças motrizes

Introdução: O tema medicalização emerge como objeto de estudo no campo da sociologia da saúde, a partir da década de 70, nas vozes de Irving Zola, Ivan Illich, Peter Conrad e Michel Foucalt; as quais indicaram a crescente influência da medicina em campos que até então não lhe pertenciam. E, no decorrer dos anos, o termo vem sendo apropriado por vários campos: na saúde, na educação, na psicologia, entre outros. Esta configuração levou alguns estudiosos da primeira década do século XXI, a se preocupar com o uso impreciso e vago do conceito de medicalização na produção científica. Neste sentido, este estudo busca olhar para os processos de medicalização, tomando-o em sua pluralidade a fim de discernir as principais forças motrizes e coteja-las com as mudanças na contemporaneidade. Objetivo: Recuperar as forças motrizes contidas nas principais contribuições dos autores primários sobre os processos de medicalização. Método: Realizou-se um exercício hermenêutico composto pelos seguintes passos: leitura profunda do texto, fichamento dos aspectos centrais que caracterizam as diversas concepções sobre medicalização. Interpretação do conteúdo por meio da abstração dos núcleos de sentido e dos referenciais teóricos que lhe dão suporte. Resultados: A partir deste movimento reflexivo e crítico conseguiu-se desvelar quatro conceitos nucleares que representam as principais forças motrizes: a indústria, as instituições, o Estado e a sociedade. Zola oferece indícios que o Estado e a indústria teriam levado a sociedade à dependência da medicina. Para Illich, a medicina, por si só, detém o poder comparada as outras instituições. Para Michel Foucault, a medicina deixou de ser uma ciência pura e transformou-se numa instituição subordinada a um sistema econômico e de poder, enfim a uma lógica subjacente aos princípios e regras de governo. Em contrapartida, para Conrad a medicalização não constitui um empreendimento exclusivo da medicina, prevalecendo os interesses de outras instituições e organizações sociais. O sentido com que cada um desses conceitos é usado difere entre os autores e a distinção desses aspectos é chave para compreender a contribuição efetiva de cada um. Da mesma forma, ocorre quando os autores discutem as consequências e os efeitos causados pelos processos de medicalização. Alguns autores direcionam seus efeitos para os indivíduos, num processo de exacerbação da individualização; enquanto que outros focam os efeitos da medicalização nas políticas de saúde e na questão econômica associada ao oneroso custo financeiro para a sociedade e o país. Considerações finais: A recuperação e a compreensão dos significados subjacentes às principais forças motrizes presentes nas contribuições de cada autor apresentadas nesta investigação constituem-se em passo importante para subsidiar a reflexão sobre processos concretos de medicalização no início do século XXI, um período marcado por aceleradas transformações, no qual, entre outros aspectos, a medicina e várias instituições têm sido crescentemente, capturadas para satisfazer, de um lado o consumismo, e de outro, a avidez pelo lucro do mercado capitalista; ao mesmo tempo em que forças desagregadoras atravessam os sujeitos impactando sua autonomia e identidade política, social e econômica.

The EU's Group-to-Group Dialogue with the Southern Mediterranean and ASEAN – How much have they achieved? A Comparative Analysis. EU Centre Singapore Working Paper No, 18, December 2013

Four decades of the EU's group-to-group dialogues with the Southern Mediterranean grouping of countries and with ASEAN have produced different dynamics and outcomes, despite the EU’s common strategy to use economic soft power to achieve their goals for the partnerships. Diverging conditions in the two regions created inconsistency in the EU's application of the common approach. The EU's neighbourhood security concerns forced it to relax its political stand with their Southern Mediterranean partners. For ASEAN, geographical distance dilutes the EU’s security concerns it that region and has afforded the EU to be more ideological and assertive on democracy and human rights practices. These issues have provoked disagreements in EU-ASEAN dialogues, but both sides have also tried to remain pragmatic in order to achieve some progress in the partnership. In contrast, the protracted the Arab-Israeli conflict continues to hamper the Euro-Mediterranean dialogue, resulting in little progress. Social upheavals in the Southern Mediterranean also brought their partnership to a standstill. The EU's cooperation with former authoritarian regimes like Libya and Syria have only caused damage to its credibility in the Southern Mediterranean, and future Euro-Mediterranean dialogues are likely to be affected by it.

Ukraine and the European Union: Time for a Re-Think. ACES Working Papers, 2011

There are two reasons for the virtual nature of the West’s dialogue with Ukraine. The first is institutional as the EU has until now only been willing to use ‘carrots’ and ‘sticks’ in ‘enlargement-heavy’ (i.e. full membership) whereas it has only used ‘carrots,’ but never ‘sticks’, in ‘enlargement-light’ (i.e. the DCFTA). European Council Foreign Relations Senior Fellows Nicu Popescu and Andrew Wilson argue that the EU should be more willing to use both carrots and sticks; that is integrating its soft and hard power. The second is a disconnection between the West and Kyiv over definitions of democracy. The Ukrainian authorities have until now wanted to have their cake and eat it, too; rolling back democracy in Kyiv while claiming to sign up to ‘European values’ in Brussels.

A kelet-közép-európai régió a XXI. századi geopolitika nagy sakktábláján

A Krím-félsziget 2014. évi márciusi orosz annektálása nyomán az ortodox geopolitika újjászületéséről beszélnek a nemzetközi politikai elemzők. Mindez egyben egy új, többpólusú korszak kezdetét is jelenti. Míg az USA külpolitikailag egyre inkább visszahúzódik, és befelé fordul, addig a nagy feltörekvő piacok visszatérnek a katonai erő révén a „hard power” alkalmazásához. Oroszország az eurázsiaiság geopolitikai elvét alkalmazva egyre inkább szárazföldi hatalommá válik. Tengeri pozíciója ugyanakkor kétséges, hiszen csak a szevasztopoli kikötő biztosítja az orosz tengeri flotta kijutását a meleg tengerekre. Az euroatlanti erőtér és Oroszország közötti mélyülő „szakadék” révén a kelet-közép-európai térség egyre inkább ütközőzónává válik. A 2015-től megalakuló Eurázsiai Uniónak köszönhetően ugyanakkor hazánk „hídállammá” is válhatna Kelet és Nyugat között.

Towards a Variety of Family Models: Economic Contributions of Spouses and Family Power

In Western societies the increase in female employment (especially among married women) is seen as having brought about the crisis of the traditional model of the family, reinforcing the position of the "modern" model - the egalitarian family with two working spouses and a "dual-career" family. In contrast, the transitional situation in the post-communist countries during the 1990s is producing a crisis of the family with two working spouses (the basic type of the communist period) and leading to new power relations within the family. While the growth of dual-earner households in this century has implied modification of family models towards greater symmetry of responsibility for breadwinning and homemaking, there is considerable evidence that women's increased employment does not necessarily lead to a more egalitarian approach to gender roles within the family. The group set out to investigate the economic situation of families and economic power within the fame as a crucial factor in the transformation of families with two working spouses in order to reveal the specific patterns of gender contracts and power relations within the family that are emerging in response to the current political and economic transformation. They opted for a comparative approach, selecting the Czech Republic as a country where the very similar tendencies of a few years ago (almost 100% of women employed and the family as a realm of considerable private freedom where both women's and men's gender identities and the traditional distribution of family responsibilities were largely preserved) are combined with a very different experience in terms of economic inequalities during the 1990s to that of Russia. In the first stage of the study they surveyed 300 married couples (150 in each country) on the question of breadwinning. They then carried out in-depth interviews with 10 couples from each country (selected from among the educated layers of the population), focusing on the process of the social construction of gender, using breadwinning and homemaking as gender boundaries which distinguish men from women. By analysing changes in social position and the type of interpersonal interaction of spouses they distinguished two main types of family contracts: the neo-traditional "communal sharing" (with male breadwinner, traditional distribution of family chores and negotiated family power) and the modern one based on negotiated agreement. The most important pre-conditions of husband-wife agreement about breadwinning seemed to imply their overall gender ideology rather than the economic and/or family circumstances. In general, wives were more likely to express egalitarian views, supporting the blurring or even elimination of many gender boundaries. Husbands, on the other hand, more often gave responses calling for the continued maintenance of gender boundaries. The analysis showed that breadwinning is still an important gender boundary in these cultures, one that is assumed unless it is explicitly questioned and that is seen as part of what makes a man a "real man". The majority of respondents seemed to be committed to egalitarian ideology on gender roles and the distribution of family tasks, including decision making, but this is contradicted by the persistent idea of the husband as the breadwinner. This contradiction is more characteristic of the Russian situation than of the Czech. The quantitative study showed a difference in prevailing family models between the two countries, with a clearer shift towards the traditional family contract in the Russian case. The Czechs were more likely to consider their partnerships as based on negotiated agreement, while the Russians saw theirs as based on egalitarian contract, in both cases seeing this as the norm. The majority of couples said they felt satisfied with their marriage, although in both countries wives seemed to be less satisfied. There was however a difference in the issues that aroused dissatisfaction, with Czech women being more sensitive to issues such as self-realisation, personal independence, understanding and recognition in the family, and Russians to issues of love, understanding and recognition. The most disputed area for the majority of families was chores in the home, presumably because in many families both husband and wife were working hard outside the home and because a number of partners had differing views as to the ideal distribution of chores within the family. The distribution of power in the family seems to be linked to the level of well being. The analysis showed that in the dominant democratic model there is still an inverse connection between family leadership and well being: the more prominent the wife's position as head of the family is, the lower the level of family income. This may reflect both the husband's refusal to play the leading role in the family and even his rejection of any involvement in family issues in such a family. The qualitative research revealed that both men and women see the breadwinning role to be an essential part of masculine identity, a role which the female partner would take on temporarily to assist the male but not permanently since this would threaten the gender boundaries and the man's identity. At the same time, few breadwinners expressed a sense of job satisfaction and all considered their choice as imposed on them by the circumstances (i.e. having a family in difficult times). The group feel that family orientation and some loss of personal involvement in their profession is partly reflected in the fact that many of the men felt more comfortable and self-confident at home than at work. Women's work, on the other hand, was largely seen as a source of personal and self-realisation and social life. Eight out of ten of the Russian women interviewed were employed, although only two on a full-time basis, but none saw their jobs as adding substantially to the family budget. Both partners see the most important factor as the wife's wish to work or stay at home, and do not think it wise for the wife to work at the expense of her part of the "family contract", although husbands from the "egalitarian" relationships expressed more willingness to compromise. The analysis showed clearly that wives and husbands did not construct gender boundaries in isolation, with the interviews providing clear evidence of negotiation. At the same time, husbands' interpretations of their wives' employment were less susceptible to the influence of negotiation than were their gender attitudes and norms about breadwinning. One of the most interesting aspects of the spouses' negotiations was the extent to which they disagreed about what they seemed to have agreed upon. Most disagreements about the breadwinning boundaries, however, were over norms and were settled by changes in norms rather than in behavioural interpretation. Changes in norms were often a form of peace offering or were in response in changes in circumstances. The study did show, however, that many of the efforts at cooperation and compensation were more symbolic than real and the group found the plasticity of expressed gender ideology to be one of the most striking findings of their work. They conclude that the shift towards more traditional gednder distributions of incomes and domestic chores does not automatically mean the reestablishment of a patriarchal model of family power. On the contrary, it seems to be a compromise formation, relatively unstable, temporary and containing self-defeating forces as the split between the personal and professional value of work and its social value expressed in a money equivalent cannot be maintained for generations.

An Economic Analysis of the Legal Concept of Trustees' Power of Investment

Authorised trustee status is a legal concept which has economic implications; one of the major implications is that it assists in the direction of investment funds into particular securities and areas of the economy. The concept of authorised trustee status, while attempting to achieve specific outcomes for the beneficiaries of trusts cannot be relied upon to secure these results. Economic analysis of the role of the trustee maintains that this role is one of portfolio manager; a role which is complex but which is explicable in terms of definable procedures and practices. The role of trustee as portfolio manager is one which requires greater financial knowledge than can be assumed is possessed by all trustees. The trustee as portfolio manager is required to maintain a review of decisions make under powers to invest trust assets. A solution to the problem of authorised trustee status is proposed. The solution takes two parts: the first is the adoption of the prudent person approach but with the codification of duties of the trustee and the explicit listing of the factors that a trustee should consider in using the investment powers. The second part of the proposed solution is to link the investment powers of trustees to the best practice features of securities advisers who are now licensed by a regulatory body, the Australian Securities and Investment Commission.

While the crisis proceeds: A world redistribution of economic power?

The crisis has drawn attention to the fact that not only emerging powers but other regions of the world as well may be offering different development models and may constitute into alternative, in some dimensions more positive agents, in the conduct of the present stage of globalisation. Notwithstanding, the traditional western powers have not lost a large amount of control of the world economy. And the crisis proceeds, reallocating world power as in a Hobbesian anarchy. It is difficult to foresee smooth developments in the near future. On the contrary, multilateralism seems to be losing ground to unilateral action or bilateral arrangements. More or less disguised currency wars may lead to serious disequilibria, and turf wars may become more frequent, with motives ranging from securing captive markets to control of specific commodities and energy goods, or targeted regulatory frameworks. As economic policy becomes even more involved with defence and security affairs, the feedbacks from each side to the other seem likely to keep dissent and animosity high, rather than contributing to peaceful and constructive approaches. A more trouble-prone world may be easily expected.

Water scarcity, social power and the production of an elite suburb: the political ecology of water in Matadepera, Catalonia

This article investigates the history of land and water transformations in Matadepera, a wealthy suburb of metropolitan Barcelona. Analysis is informed by theories of political ecology and methods of environmental history; although very relevant, these have received relatively little attention within ecological economics. Empirical material includes communications from the City Archives of Matadepera (1919-1979), 17 interviews with locals born between 1913 and 1958, and an exhaustive review of grey historical literature. Existing water histories of Barcelona and its outskirts portray a battle against natural water scarcity, hard won by heroic engineers and politicians acting for the good of the community. Our research in Matadepera tells a very different story. We reveal the production of a highly uneven landscape and waterscape through fierce political and power struggles. The evolution of Matadepera from a small rural village to an elite suburb was anything but spontaneous or peaceful. It was a socio-environmental project well intended by landowning elites and heavily fought by others. The struggle for the control of water went hand in hand with the land and political struggles that culminated – and were violently resolved - in the Spanish Civil War. The displacement of the economic and environmental costs of water use from few to many continues to this day and is constitutive of Matadepera’s uneven and unsustainable landscape. By unravelling the relations of power that are inscribed in the urbanization of nature (Swyngedouw, 2004), we question the perceived wisdoms of contemporary water policy debates, particularly the notion of a natural scarcity that merits a technical or economic response. We argue that the water question is fundamentally a political question of environmental justice; it is about negotiating alternative visions of the future and deciding whose visions will be produced.

Iowa Power Fund Summary of Economic Impact Study,

A newly completed study commissioned by the Iowa Office of Energy Independence shows increased jobs, tax revenue and economic activity as a result of Iowa Power Fund projects. The analysis is divided into two parts. Part I assesses the specific impacts of projects that have been funded directly. Part II offers an analysis of the long term impacts when projects are successfully replicated.

Iowa Office of Energy Independence Iowa Power Fund Summary of Economic Impact Study, December 16, 2010

A newly completed study commissioned by the Iowa Office of Energy Independence shows increased jobs, tax revenue and economic activity as a result of Iowa Power Fund projects. The analysis is divided into two parts. Part I assesses the specific impacts of projects that have been funded directly. Part II offers an analysis of the long term impacts when projects are successfully replicated.