¿Cómo afecta la cultura a la gramática? : El caso de los clíticos en el español americano

La sintaxis de una lengua se halla motivada semántica y pragmáticamente. La dimensión pragmática establece qué formas lingüísticas -y sus significados- son más apropiadas para qué contexto. En este trabajo intentamos mostrar cómo el lenguaje es modelado por la cultura cuando lo pragmático es etnopragmático. Los sesgos en la frecuencia relativa de uso de los clíticos de tercera persona en distintas variedades del español americano constituyen un ámbito adecuado. La naturaleza deíctica de los clíticos del español hace que se pongan en juego al menos dos tipos de dimensión pragmática: la dimensión referencial y la dimensión relacional. El valor que cobra la referencia es, ciertamente, cultural, asignado por la comunidad. En efecto, es esperable que diferentes grupos culturales asignen diferentes valores a los mismos referentes y que estos valores culturales influyan en la conformación de los paradigmas de la lengua. Ejemplificaremos la propuesta mediante la observación de la expansión del empleo de le y la ausencia del clítico en el campo de los acusativos en el español guaranítico argentino y del uso categórico y variable de los clíticos respecto de algunos verbos en el español de bolivianos residentes en la Argentina

The role of animacy and definiteness in the clitic-DP nexus

We extend Cuervo's (2003) analysis of the Lower Applicative Dative DP in Spanish to account for the animate definite DP preceded by a and the fact that it is not possible to have both an animate dative definite direct object and a dative indirect object in the same clause. We argue that the presence of such a dative DP 'blocks' the upward movement of the direct object DP to the specifier of the Lower Applicative phrase. We analyse the case ‘mismatch’ between the third person accusative clitic and the co-referring dative DP with animate definite reference in River Plate Spanish as resulting from the raising of the accusative clitic to the head of the Applicative phrase and the movement of the DP to its specifier, where dative case is always assigned in Spanish. We propose that similar phenomena observed in some Australian languages are amenable to a similar analysis.

A colocação de pronomes clíticos em sentenças infinitivas preposicionadas na escrita brasileira dos séculos XIX e XX

In this work we present the description and analysis of the clitics collocation patterns in prepositional infinitive sentences within the Brazilian writing in the centuries XIX and XX. The corpus in analysis is comprised of letters of newspaper readers and newspaper writers, as well as of advertisements (ads) taken from Brazilian newspapers from different regions / states – Rio de Janeiro, Bahia, Ceará and Pernambuco – and written in the Centuries XIX and XX. They belong to the common minimum corpus of the project named Projeto para a História do Português Brasileiro (PHPB or Project to the History of the Brazilian Portuguese, in English). Its analysis is based on theoreticalmethodological postulates of the Theory of Variation and Change (WEINREICH; LABOV; HERZOG, 1968[2006]; LABOV, 1972[2008]); on the Theory of Principles and Parameters (CHOMSKY, 1981, 1986) and on the model of Grammar Competition (KROCH, 1989; 2001). By trying to articulate those presuppositions from both the theories we present a proposition of theoretical interface between the Variation Theory and the Grammar one. Concerning the empirical results achieved by means of this research, we could figure that, in the context in which there were prepositional infinitive sentences, the most significant independent variable to the occurrence of the proclisis is the type of preposition that comes before the verb in the infinitive. Before that, we found out that there are prepositions which strongly direct the proclisis, as it is the case of the prepositions in Portuguese sem, por, de and para, with all of them presenting Relative Weights over 0,52. Another important result is the one attested in the data referring the state of Rio de Janeiro (RJ). This state is the only one of the sample which is located in the Southeastern region and also presents itself as the main proclisis conditioner amongst the localities pertaining to the sample. In order to explain those results, we raised the hypothesis that the proclisis implementation may be more advanced in the Southeastern than in the Northeastern Brazil, however that hypothesis must be confirmed or refuted in future works. We also present, in this work, a theoretical explanation about the clitics colocation in prepositional infinitive sentences within the Brazilian writing in the XIX and XX centuries. The theoretical explanation we found to interpret the achieved results associates Magro’s proposition (2005), regarding the existence of prepositions occupying the nucleus PP and the existence of prepositions which can play the role of a completer and occupy the nucleus CP, according to Galves (2000; 2001), regarding the existent relation between the clitic colocation and the association of traits-phi to the functional categories COMP, Tense and Person. Our proposition is that the occurrence of prepositions which occupy the nucleus CP causes changes in the values attributed to the traits-phi and to the strong Vtraits in the functional categories COMP, Tense and Person. Thus, we defend that proclisis in Brazilian Portuguese (BP) is derived from the movement of the verb to the functional category tense in which there is the association of traits +V and traits +AGR, what legitimates the proclisis according to Galves´s proposition (2000; 2001).

Aproximación al clítico 的 de en chino

Debido a las características intrínsecas de la lengua china, los clíticos juegan un papel imprescindible en la estructura sintáctica del idioma. Sin ellos, las oraciones no llegan a construirse, ya que son estos, entre otros recursos, los que cargan las informaciones gramaticales; es más, cada clítico en chino ocupa un hueco en la gramática, por lo que es difícil remplazarlos sin cambiar el sentido de la oración. De todos los clíticos, la palabra «的» es la que se presenta con mayor frecuencia. Esta palabra, como muchas otras “palabras vacías”, desempeña diversas funciones gramaticales, por lo que constituye un punto de investigación muy interesante en la gramática china. Desde los años 20 del siglo pasado, generaciones de eruditos se han dedicado a su estudio, entre otros, figuran Li Jinxi（黎锦熙), Gao Mingkai（高名凯),Chen Qiongzan（陈琼瓒), Fan Jiyan（范继淹）y Zhu Dexi（朱德熙). Un artículo de este último Sobre “的 (De)” ha provocado una amplia reacción y una profunda influencia en las investigaciones posteriores. A pesar de todo y hasta hoy en día, el uso de esta palabra sigue siendo un escollo tanto para los profesores de chino como para sus alumnos. Las ambigüedades que puede causar y la diferencia semántica y pragmática de su uso y desuso han sido un rompecabezas no sólo para los extranjeros, sino también para los nativos. En este artículo, intentaremos delimitar sus usos y analizar sus valores semánticos y pragmáticos.

On Experiencers and Minimality

This dissertation is concerned with experiencer arguments, and what they tell us about the grammar. There are two main types of experiencers I discuss: experiencers of psychological verbs and experiencers of raising constructions. I question the notion of ‘experiencers’ itself; and explore some possible accounts for the ‘psych-effects’. I argue that the ‘experiencer theta role’ is conceptually unnecessary and unsustained by syntactic evidence. ‘Experiencers’ can be reduced to different types of arguments. Taking Brazilian Portuguese as my main case study, I claim that languages may grammaticalize psychological predicates and their arguments in different ways. These verb classes exist in languages independently, and the psych-verbs behavior can be explained by the argument structure of the verbal class they belong to. I further discuss experiencers in raising structures, and the defective intervention effects triggered by different types of experiencers (e.g., DPs, PPs, clitics, traces) in a variety of languages. I show that defective intervention is mostly predictable across languages, and there’s not much variation regarding its effects. Moreover, I argue that defective intervention can be captured by a notion of minimality that requires interveners to be syntactic objects and not syntactic occurrences (a chain, and not a copy/trace). The main observation is that once a chain is no longer in the c-command domain of a probe, defective intervention is obviated, i.e., it doesn’t apply. I propose a revised version of the Minimal Link Condition (1995), in which only syntactic objects may intervene in syntactic relations, and not copies. This view of minimality can explain the core cases of defective intervention crosslinguistically.