773 resultados para Citizen journalism
Resumo:
Alvin Toffler’s image of the prosumer (1970, 1980, 1990) continues to influence in a significant way our understanding of the user-led, collaborative processes of content creation which are today labelled “social media” or “Web 2.0”. A closer look at Toffler’s own description of his prosumer model reveals, however, that it remains firmly grounded in the mass media age: the prosumer is clearly not the self-motivated creative originator and developer of new content which can today be observed in projects ranging from open source software through Wikipedia to Second Life, but simply a particularly well-informed, and therefore both particularly critical and particularly active, consumer. The highly specialised, high end consumers which exist in areas such as hi-fi or car culture are far more representative of the ideal prosumer than the participants in non-commercial (or as yet non-commercial) collaborative projects. And to expect Toffler’s 1970s model of the prosumer to describe these 21st-century phenomena was always an unrealistic expectation, of course. To describe the creative and collaborative participation which today characterises user-led projects such as Wikipedia, terms such as ‘production’ and ‘consumption’ are no longer particularly useful – even in laboured constructions such as ‘commons-based peer-production’ (Benkler 2006) or ‘p2p production’ (Bauwens 2005). In the user communities participating in such forms of content creation, roles as consumers and users have long begun to be inextricably interwoven with those as producer and creator: users are always already also able to be producers of the shared information collection, regardless of whether they are aware of that fact – they have taken on a new, hybrid role which may be best described as that of a produser (Bruns 2008). Projects which build on such produsage can be found in areas from open source software development through citizen journalism to Wikipedia, and beyond this also in multi-user online computer games, filesharing, and even in communities collaborating on the design of material goods. While addressing a range of different challenges, they nonetheless build on a small number of universal key principles. This paper documents these principles and indicates the possible implications of this transition from production and prosumption to produsage.
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Traditionelle journalistische Prozeduren der Inhaltserstellung und -vermittlung lassen sich in Presse und Rundfunk in erster Linie durch den Prozess des Gatekeeping charakterisieren. Im Internet findet sich jedoch zunehmend ein anderer Ansatz, der in Analogie zu dem traditionellen Begriff als Gatewatching beschrieben werden kann. In diesem Text werden die Besonderheiten des Gatewatchings herausgearbeitet, vor allem die multiperspektivische Form der Berichterstattung, und die wichtigsten Implikationen einer Bewegung vom Gatekeeping zum Gatewatching im Nachrichtenjournalismus analysiert.
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This paper undertakes an overview of two developments in online media that coincided with the 'year-long campaign' that was the 2007 Australian Federal election. It discusses the relatively successful use of the Internet and social media in the 'Kevin07' Australian Labor Party campaign, and contrasts this to the Liberal-National Party's faltering use of You Tube for policy announcements. It also notes the struggle for authority in interpreting polling data between the mainstream media and various online commentators, and the 'July 12 incident' at The Australian, where it engaged in strong denunciation of alleged biases and prejudices among bloggers and on political Web sites. It concludes with consideration of some wider implication for political communication and the politics-media relationship, and whether we are seeing trends towards dispersal and diversification characterising the 'third age' of political communication.
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This chapter describes current trends in the global media environment, with a focus on their implications for the management of public agendas and political processes. It assesses the extent to which trends such as the growth of the blogosphere, "citizen journalism," and other forms if user-generated content, have complicated and problematized news and agenda management as engaged in by both media and political elites. It argues that, in large part due to the rise of the internet and the proliferation if online producers of information and commentary, alongside 24-hour news channels such as CNN and Al Jazeera, political and social actors today face a much more complex, chaotic communication environment than ever bifore, an environment characterized as one of cultural chaos. Having outlined the roots of this trend in the emergence of an expanded, globalized public sphere, the chapter goes on to ask if elite control over the political agenda has been eroded, and if it has, what the consequences for governmmt and the exercise if power might be. Can authoritarian regimes in China, the Middle East, and elsewhere survive the onset if internet-fueled global journalism, for example? In a political environment where public opinion is driven and buffeted by news coverage if unprecedented speed and volume, can democratic governments retain sufficient control over decision- and policy-making processes to enable competent social administration al'ld political management? Can the citizens of contemporary democracies use the emerging media environment to enhance elite accountability and strengthen the democratic process? The chapter concludes that the changing global media environment has the potmtial to strengthen democratic processes, though there is no sil'lgle template for the impact of the internet and other new media on specific countries.
Resumo:
The growth of technologies and tools branded as =new media‘ or =Web 2.0‘ has sparked much discussion about the internet and its place in all facets of social life. Such debate includes the potential for blogs and citizen journalism projects to replace or alter journalism and mainstream media practices. However, while the journalism-blog dynamic has attracted the most attention, the actual work of political bloggers, the roles they play in the mediasphere and the resources they use, has been comparatively ignored. This project will look at political blogging in Australia and France - sites commenting on or promoting political events and ideas, and run by citizens, politicians, and journalists alike. In doing so, the structure of networks formed by bloggers and the nature of communication within political blogospheres will be examined. Previous studies of political blogging around the world have focussed on individual nations, finding that in some cases the networks are divided between different political ideologies. By comparing two countries with different political representation (two-party dominated system vs. a wider political spectrum), this study will determine the structure of these political blogospheres, and correlate these structures with the political environment in which they are situated. The thesis adapts concepts from communication and media theories, including framing, agenda setting, and opinion leaders, to examine the work of political bloggers and their place within the mediasphere. As well as developing a hybrid theoretical base for research into blogs and other online communication, the project outlines new methodologies for carrying out studies of online activity through the analysis of several topical networks within the wider activity collected for this project. The project draws on hyperlink and textual data collected from a sample of Australian and French blogs between January and August 2009. From this data, the thesis provides an overview of =everyday‘ political blogging, showing posting patterns over several months of activity, away from national elections and their associated campaigns. However, while other work in this field has looked solely at cumulative networks, treating collected data as a static network, this project will also look at specific cases to see how the blogospheres change with time and topics of discussion. Three case studies are used within the thesis to examine how blogs cover politics, featuring an international political event (the Obama inauguration), and local political topics (the opposition to the =Création et Internet‘, or HADOPI, law in France, the =Utegate‘ scandal in Australia). By using a mixture of qualitative and quantitative methods, the study analyses data collected from a population of sites from both countries, looking at their linking patterns, relationship with mainstream media, and topics of interest. This project will subsequently help to further develop methodologies in this field and provide new and detailed information on both online networks and internet-based political communication in Australia and France.
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The Time magazine ‘Person of theYear’ award is a venerable institution. Established by Time’s founder Henry Luce in 1927 as ‘Man of the Year’, it is an annual award given to ‘a person, couple, group, idea, place, or machine that ‘for better or for worse ... has done the most to influence the events of the year’ (Time 2002, p. 1). In 2010, the award was given to Mark Zuckerberg, the founder and CEO of the social networking site Facebook.There was, however, a strong campaign for the ‘People’s Choice’ award to be given to Julian Assange, the founder and editor-in-chief of Wikileaks, the online whistleblowing site. Earlier in the year Wikileaks had released more than 250 000 US government diplomatic cables through the internet, and the subsequent controver- sies around the actions of Wikileaks and Assange came to be known worldwide as ‘Cablegate’. The focus of this chapter is not on the implications of ‘Cablegate’ for international diplomacy, which continue to have great significance, but rather upon what the emergence of Wikileaks has meant for journalism, and whether it provides insights into the future of journalism. Both Facebook and Wikileaks, as well as social media platforms such as Twitter and YouTube, and independent media practices such as blogging, citizen journalism and crowdsourcing, are manifestations of the rise of social media, or what has also been termed web 2.0.The term ‘web 2.0’ was coined by Tim O’Reilly, and captures the rise of online social media platforms and services, that better realise the collaborative potential of digitally networked media. They do this by moving from the relatively static, top-down notions of interactivity that informed early internet development, towards more open and evolutionary models that better harness collective intelligence by enabling users to become the creators and collaborators in the development of online media content (Musser and O’Reilly 2007; Bruns 2008).
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Twitter has developed an increasingly visible presence in Australian journalism, and in the discussion of news. Many journalists have begun to explore manageable approaches to incorporating Twitter into their work practices, and for some – like the ABC’s ‘star recruits’ Annabel Crabb and Latika Bourke – it has already become a career driver. This article examines the positioning of journalists as ‘personal brands’ on Twitter, by documenting the visibility of leading personal and institutional accounts during two major political events in Australia: the Rudd/Gillard leadership spill on 23 June 2010, and the day of the subsequent federal election on 21 August 2010. It highlights the fact that in third-party networks such as Twitter, journalists and news organisations no longer operate solely on their own terms, as they do on their own Websites, but gain and maintain prominence in the network and reach for their messages only in concert with other users. It places these observations in a wider context of journalist/audience relations, a decade after the emergence of the first citizen journalism Websites.
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This video details interviews undertaken and shows a range of varying local opinions in West End within the Griffith electorate of Brisbane in the lead up to 2007's federal election. In 2007, West Enders had both the sitting Queensland Premier, Anna Bligh, and the impending Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, as their local members. This video was produced as part of the YouDecide2007, a non-profit citizen journalism intiative led by QUT's Creative Industries and funded by the ARC. The camera man and editor was Barry Saunders.
Resumo:
Over the past decade, social media have gone through a process of legitimation and official adoption, and they are now becoming embedded as part of the official communications apparatus of many commercial and public-sector organisations— in turn, providing platforms like Twitter with their own sources of legitimacy. Arguably, the demonstrated utility of social media platforms and tools in times of crisis—from civil unrest and violent crime through to natural disasters like bushfires, earthquakes, and floods—has been a crucial driver of this newfound legitimacy. In the mid-2000s, user-created content and ‘Web 2.0’ platforms were known to play a role in crisis communication; back then, the involvement of extra-institutional actors in providing and sharing information around such events involved distributed, ad hoc, or niche platforms (like Flickr), and was more likely to be framed as ‘citizen journalism’ or ‘crowdsourcing’ (see, for example, Liu, Palen, Sutton, Hughes, & Vieweg, 2008, on the then-emerging role of photo-sharing in disasters). Since then, the dramatically increased take-up of mainstream social media platforms like Facebook and Twitter means that the pool of potential participants in online crisis communication has broadened to include a much larger proportion of the general population, as well as traditional media and official emergency response organisations.
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This article examines Greek activists’ use of a range of communication technologies, including social media, blogs, citizen journalism sites, Web radio, and anonymous networks. Drawing on Anna Tsing’s theoretical model, the article examines key frictions around digital technologies that emerged within a case study of the antifascist movement in Athens, focusing on the period around the 2013 shutdown of Athens Indymedia. Drawing on interviews with activists and analysis of online communications, including issue networks and social media activity, we find that the antifascist movement itself is created and recreated through a process of productive friction, as different groups and individuals with varying ideologies and experiences work together.
Resumo:
The new tech has introduced the traits of the hypermedia, interactivity and convergence in the journalism field. Moreover, it has involved the emergence of new media and changes in the informative contents. In 2006 Al Jazeera in English was created for covering the underreported regions, inasmuch as new media arise, new contents do so, thus, the research examines the agendas of The Stream, the TV show from Al Jazeera that relies heavily on social networks.
Resumo:
Afinal, por que é cidadão o jornalista cidadão? Foi esta a pergunta que desencadeou todo um esforço de pesquisa no sentido de identificar práticas comuns nas diferentes experiências de jornalismo cidadão. Para desenvolver e tentar ampliar o conceito trabalhado, a opção foi de analisar o espectro da comunicação comunitária, sobretudo em veículos que tiveram origem na área da Maré, no Rio de Janeiro, nas últimas três décadas. Assim, mapeando algumas dessas experiências e selecionando casos entre os que chamaram mais atenção pela propriedade com que trabalham os aspectos relacionados ao jornalismo cidadão, esta dissertação se detém sobre o significado da cidadania para o cidadão-jornalista e a contribuição à identidade local prestada pela comunicação comunitária. Minha idéia é demonstrar como experiências deste gênero são capazes de não apenas de pautar meios tradicionais de mídia, mas sobretudo de ajudar a estabelecer dentro da própria comunidade uma cultura de mídia e uma esfera pública local, desenvolvendo uma reapropriação da identidade da favela e de seus moradores e contribuindo para a busca e/ou exercício da cidadania.
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Pós-graduação em Televisão Digital: Informação e Conhecimento - FAAC
Resumo:
Corporative media, represented by TV, radio, press and internet conglomerates, is responsible for the biggest portion of audience and public all over the world. The commercial media was built upon media concentration and monopoly strategies and this business aims society’s economic and political control. Unfortunately, they don’t represent the biggest portion of population’s interests and, because of that, corporative media faces a crisis moment while alternative means of communication rise from the initiative of professionals who are committed to society’s marginalized sectors. Radical media intends to express a variant vision about hegemonic policies, priorities and perspectives. Citizen journalism is one of radical media arms and this research proposition is to analyze the business model of commercial media in Brazil and in the world, its means of production, and compare them with citizen journalism methods. This work also intends to analyze radical media and how it is opposite to corporative media by studying Escola de Notícias, an educommunication project from São Paulo
Resumo:
ports is an editorial present in every and any large scale news company, wheter it print, radio, television or web. However, their approach is made differently from other editorials, they have more freedom and constant use of elements that soften the text, leaving it close to entertainment. There fore, this work seeks to analyze and understand the sports broadcasting, which on the Brazilian television is usually limitate to the football. To perform the project of the conclusion of major, there was a need to study how the sport broke into television, how the sports broadcast is carried out by television media, which are the elements used for their coverage of sports events, especially football ones, and the effects that this broadcasting causes in society