960 resultados para Brazilian modern movement


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Em um contexto de democratização, os partidos políticos adquirem papel importante para a obtenção e a manutenção do poder. Através do seu estudo, podermos analisar uma parte da História desse período. Os partidos políticos nos fornecem informações sobre os grupos que se esforçaram por reunir pessoas tendo em vista uma ação comum sobre o poder ou a organização da sociedade. Nesse sentido, a tese busca estudar a formação e ascensão ao poder do Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB). Criada em junho de 1988, a sigla cinco anos depois conseguiria eleger o presidente da República. A tese examina as origens do partido, articulando-as às contradições e conflitos internos do Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (PMDB). Em seguida, acompanha o processo de formação da nova agremiação política, sem perder de vista as rivalidades internas e externas, que permearam a sua organização. Aborda, ainda, as alianças e disputas que redundaram na vitória eleitoral do seu candidato à presidência, em 1994, Fernando Henrique Cardoso.

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Este trabalho tem como objetivo empreender um estudo inicial sobre a Propaganda Partidária Gratuita, espaço disponibilizado pelo Estado brasileiro aos partidos políticos para que estes possam apresentar a si próprios e divulgar seus programas políticos. Segundo o levantamento feito para este trabalho, trata-se de um caso único no mundo, mas que vem sendo abordado apenas marginalmente pela Ciência Política do país. Dada a proximidade com o horário eleitoral, a análise foi feita tendo como base a literatura sobre campanhas políticas, de modo a verificar se processos a ela relacionados (em especial o de declínio partidário e a personalização da política) podem se aplicar ao objeto em questão. Para tanto, realizou-se um levantamento empírico das edições exibidas entre 2002 e 2007 de cinco siglas: PFL/DEM, PMDB, PSB, PSDB e PT. Nestes, foram observadas diferentes variáveis, como ênfases discursivas e temática dominante, bem como o conteúdo apresentado. Em função destes dados, oferece-se uma visão de como os programas são utilizados de modo geral e por cada partido, oferecendo ainda uma tipologia sobre seus usos.

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O objetivo desta pesquisa foi analisar de forma aprofundada um dos principais atores políticos da atual democracia brasileira: o Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (PMDB). Mais especificamente, buscou-se responder a seguinte pergunta: como um partido criado para ser a oposição legal ao regime ditatorial se tornou um partido governista com o retorno à democracia? Para compreender a mudança de comportamento desta organização, em primeiro lugar foi analisada a sua importância para a formação de coalizões governamentais. A sua posição de centro no espectro político brasileiro e a sua ampla presença no Congresso Nacional o torna um parceiro ideal para a formação de maiorias parlamentares. Em segundo lugar, foi analisada a importância da participação no governo para o PMDB. Suas características de centralidade e peso foram investigadas desde a sua origem, antes mesmo do MDB, no antigo PSD. Heterogeneidade, federalização, moderação e bom desempenho eleitoral são as principais causas, herdadas do MDB e do PSD, da formação destas características na década de 1980. Contudo, o retorno à democracia impôs um novo contexto político à organização e a necessidade de se adaptar a ele. Ao longo da década de 1990 o partido sofreu uma conversão institucional e um grupo particular, o governista, tomou a frente de sua direção. Dados eleitorais, de apresentação de emendas individuais ao orçamento e entrevistas com membros do partido fornecem mais informações sobre o comportamento político e as transformações sofridas pela sigla.

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Esta dissertação é um estudo sobre a influência exercida por Mário de Andrade na formação humana e no processo criativo do poeta Carlos Drummond de Andrade, a partir do encontro do mineiro com o movimento modernista brasileiro. Utilizando como corpus a correspondência trocada entre os dois poetas, durante o período de 1924 até 1945, incluída integralmente na obra Carlos & Mário (2002), buscamos apontar o movimento de doação compartilhada que ocorreu entre eles, a atuação recíproca na construção da amizade, tomando por base a premissa de que cartas são veículos de subjetividade, instrumentos que desencadeiam trocas, adesões e sociabilidades, e, quando trocadas entre escritores, deixam de ser simples relatos biográficos e extrapolam seus limites, passando a ser um objeto de investigação literária. Por vivenciarem o contexto revolucionário do movimento modernista, os dois artistas encontraram na escrita epistolográfica um espaço estratégico para o debate e a formulação de seus pensamentos e ideais. Nesse sentido, procuramos esclarecer a importância da formação estética de Mário no combate à resistência passadista drummondiana; o esforço do escritor paulista em apresentar, com a paciência didática de um professor-amigo, as ideias modernistas presentes em sua plataforma teórica, fontes inovadoras de ensinamentos poéticos; e a gradativa incorporação, pelo poeta mineiro, das lições do amigo Mário de Andrade, a tal ponto que os dois correspondentes passam a dialogar não mais como mestre e discípulo, mas como intelectuais e artistas de igual porte e autonomia de pensamento

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Women’s contribution to abstract art in the interwar period is a subject that, to date, has received very little attention. In this article we deal with the untold story of the participation of women artists in Abstraction-Création, the foremost international group dedicated to abstract art in the 1930s. Founded in Paris in 1931, the group took on the work of two previous collectives to become a platform for the dissemination and promotion of abstract art and consisted of around a hundred members. Twelve of these were women, whose writings and works were published in the group’s annual magazine, abstraction creátion art non figuratif (1932-1936), and who participated in a number of the group’s exhibitions. Compared to what had occurred in previous groups, the participation of women, although reduced in number, was comparable to that of the male artists and being members of the group had a generally positive impact on the women’s careers. However, all this came at the expense of relinquishing any gender specificity in their work and the public presentation of it, and demonstrates that the normalization of women’s contributions to the avant-garde could only be brought about alongside a questioning of the more dogmatic views of modernity.

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El principal objectiu d'aquest article és presentar la complexitat -i les contradiccions- del procés de construcció d'escoles noucentistes. No es limita només a les escoles construïdes a l'etapa de la Mancomunitat de Catalunya (1914-1923), sinó també es parla del període anterior (des del 1905 amb alguns pocs exemples d'escoles d'un cert deix modernista) i sobretot del posterior (la dictadura de Primo de Rivera)

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My research aims to understand how and why fundamentalists justify violence against people who do not fit their profile of "righteous" or "saved" persons, such as abortion doctors and clinic workers, gays and lesbians, and Jews. The first section of this paper travels through the history of fundamentalism since its origins in the British and American apocalipticism, or belief in the Second Coming of Jesus Christ. However, my history of Protestant Fundamentalism in the United States will focus on the ways in which Fundamentalism developed in response to many changes in American social structure. I interpret Fundamentalism as an anti-modern movement seeking to reassert "traditional" Christian values.

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Meu objetivo nesta tese é compreender o processo de transnacionalização do movimento negro brasileiro e as suas consequências para a luta antirracista no Brasil. Em outras palavras, busco compreender como os negros brasileiros se articulam com os negros do mundo para cumprir seus objetivos. Uma vez que hoje a cultura negra global tem sido compreendida a partir da metáfora do “Atlântico Negro”, que representa um espaço de trocas transnacional que conecta todos os sujeitos da diáspora negra, assumo esta mesma metáfora como ponto de partida para minha reflexão. Entretanto, me interessa refletir sob um dos aspectos do Atlântico Negro, que é a sua dimensão organizacional. Se é pelo Atlântico Negro que hoje circulam um conjunto de conteúdos que são compartilhados pela comunidade negra mundial, tais como idéias e práticas que estão relacionadas a religião, a música, a literatura e as formas de organização, então podemos afirmar que a organização do movimento negro brasileiro se alimenta também destas múltiplas dimensões. Para desenvolver esta linha de argumentação, a tese utiliza o caso do movimento negro brasileiro para analisar o processo de difusão de um frame transnacional racialista que é apropriado pelo movimento negro como base para a elaboração de um diagnóstico, prognóstico e ressonância das ações de combate ao racismo no Brasil e para a definição das estruturas de mobilização e das estratégias de ação do movimento. Contudo, esta apropriação não ocorre sem problemas, pois este frame enfrenta outros frames locais, de caráter não-racialista, o que acarreta severas restrições ao ativismo transnacional na medida em que o próprio movimento negro se vê diante do dilema entre manter o alinhamento com o frame transnacional e aproveita as oportunidades políticas oferecidas pelo racialismo, ou relativiza este frame fazendo algumas concessões em suas propostas e na sua organização, a fim de se adaptar aos frames locais, negociando estas oportunidades a partir das restrições existentes. Para entender esta dinâmica, proponho a metáfora do “Encontro das Águas” amazonense, como um ponto de argumentação complementar ao Atlântico Negro, pois leva em conta os aspectos locais da luta antirracista que se apoiam na mestiçagem como identidade autônoma que não se dilui facilmente na identidade negra. Além de desenvolver estes pontos, a tese contribui para compreender melhor a dialética entre o global e local, bem como as tensões advindas dos frames em disputa.

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Assuming that the form of a building shell and its content the spatial form are distinct dimensions of architecture - however indivisible and interdependent -, this study focus, in the light of the Social Logic of Space (HILLIER; HANSON, 1984), on the intrinsic properties through which domestic space was structured in a sample of single-family dwellings built in João Pessoa (PB) during the 1970s - when the vocabulary of modern architecture still prevailed in Brazil though sharing the urban scene with other architectural trends -, in order to investigate regularities or divergences underlying their conception. These dwellings were originally classified (ARAÚJO, 2010a) in five categories defined according to the form of their building shells and to their prevailing construction techniques: (1) Brazilian modern legacy (considered as truly Brazilian modern style); (2) Paulista architecture (that refers to the modern production of São Paulo, Brazil, from the 1950s through the 1970s); (3) experiences of rationalization and prefabrication ; (4) experiences of adaptation to the climate (referring to a design strongly influenced by the hot and humid climate of North-eastern Brazil); and (5) hybrid (to account for a kind of stylistic hybridism that includes formal attributes, which evoke our colonial past). This study aims to determine, through the analyses of nineteen cases that represent each category, whether this taxonomy corresponds to distinct modes of spatial configuration. This research therefore proposes an approach to the classification of domestic architecture based on topological properties. The dwellings spatial organization was represented, quantified and analyzed, their spatial properties explored in consonance with one another and with the literature. Results pointed out that there is no evidence of a reciprocal relationship between the formal look of the built shells and their respective spatial structures

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Our research aims to analyze some institutions of primary education in so-called First Republic in Natal/RN, when they were considered high standard institutions on training, dissemination and creation of national identity and republican traditions. Thus, we investigated to try to understand the creation of the new man and the invention of new traditions to confirm the status of republican modernity in two schools in Natal, the Colegio Americano, a private one, and a standard model of school, Augusto Severo, which is a public one. As a basis we have the history of institutions to analyze, paying close attention to consider the use of imitation in cultural patrimony as well as the use of strategies to distinguish. The concept of ownership follows, for present purposes, their focus of study on observation of diverse and contrasting use of these cultural objects, texts, readings and ideas from research institutions. For analysis of the link which occurs within the school environment, in every period of its history, we used the concept of school culture as a set of rules and practices which define knowledge to teach and conduct the introject. A culture that incorporates the school to keep a set with other religious cultures, political and popular of its time and space. In this sense, the educational institutions which we studied while showing what kind of in this work by preparing cultures, codes, different practices, and specific individuals they have, they were in important locations to provide modern cultural appropriation as a strategy for educational innovation and a factor of rationality and efficiency which could be observed and controlled, so gradually the modern school education was organized to produce its own society. As a challenge of affirmation and incorporating diverse social experiences to produce the modern, civilized man of the Republican time, the school, as part of the social life, which is singular in its practices, not only the set of reforms, decrees, laws and projects, but also as expressions of concept about life and society in terms of material, symbolic and cultural symbols in the social context in modernization. We focused on these two schools, because inside the wide cultural and material status of the city, they were the first republic schools which had the goal of having men and woman together culturally , with a view to adapting them to the modern movement to make them civilized / educated / rational . On this view, we would emphasize that this statement needs a reinvention as a new way through what is made at the schools which production of new spaces, practices, rites and what represents school, making and expressing a new identity, modern, different of the old symbols of the Empire. For this, nothing better than the organization of schooling, emphasizing on educating the individual and his/her responsibilities with the order and progress. We need to understand the past as a result of conflicts, including strengths and limitations within the historical and social context, and the invention of tradition as a process of formalization and ritualization of acts which want to perpetuate, as a reference to a group identity. These are practices and social educative representations which support the understanding of pedagogical and educational ideas at this historical moment, making a new way of being and doing in the Republican universe

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The provident rights were results of intense fights in between the capital and work, claiming the interventions of the state for the creation of an ample social protection system. In Brazil the law, Providence Social mark, dated 1923, from then on, the advances and extensions were many, of this diverse categories of politics. Mean while, in the 1990 s, the Brazilian government adopted the examples of other developed countries, the new pattern that hinted the realization of substantial changes on the states purpose, the reached rights and the proper organization of working classes. For the Social Providence, the principal loses turned out in 1998 and 2003; respectively in FHC governments and Lula, with the realization of two counter reforms that restricted the provident rights and motivated the privatization of public providence. In the scenery, the CUT, one of the representative organizations from working classes, founded in 1983, that has always itself with changed direction, from fighting to negotiating. This inflection determined the proposition of the center before the offers of the counter reforms, of Social Providence. The present work has the objective to analyze the social politic content of the fights from Brazilian union movement in the period of the conquests and disassembled rights and, to analyze the proposition, acting and offers from CUT in the counter reform period from Providence in the Government FHC and Lula. To perform this study beyond the essential bibliographical revision to found and deepen the subject, we use, the documental search through the internet pages, resolutions, informations and others publications from CUT. Using CUT in the governments worked in an elegant way, the FHC government against-reforms, showed itself through diverse actions, even though they didn t have homogeneous inside, contrary the neoliberalists politicians from this government, also the offers and precaution changers. While during the reign of Lula it shoved itself priority negociative and propositive

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This paper discusses the dilemmas and challenges of the union of social workers in contemporary Brazil. The study is supported by the theme in a literature search, especially productions that deal with the trade union movement of workers in the brazilian reality, as well as on field research, which consisted of interviews with national trade union leaders of the CUT and CONLUTA as also representatives of national organizations representing the professional category of social workers, notably CFESS, ABEPSS ENESSO and a labor union and the national category, FENAS. The analysis of the object is oriented in the perspective of totality, considering its founding and contradictory aspects of the current socio-historical dynamics. The inflections occurred in the razilian Labor Movement in the early 1990s, during which the offensive of capital, characterized by the fusion of flexible accumulation and the dictates of neoliberal policy is established in the country, caused a profound shock in life and organization of the class working. The major repercussions of this process are evident today in the form of defensive organization of trade union struggles, notably fragile and fragmented. In the case of the category of social workers is symptomatic of the political backlash, experienced the process of reopening their unions and the creation of FENAS. This definition, part of the analysis that considers more strategic perspective of class organization, corporate antiunionism of the mass of the 1980s, built, largely, by category and expressed by the extinction of their union and unification to the broader struggles of workers with transition to unionization by industry. Given this reality, we analyze the performance of the political perspectives of the brazilian labor movement, from the characterization of organizational arrangements for trade union struggles and situate this process, the motion to reopen union of social workers, from the emergence of FENAS. Therefore, we aimed to identify the particular and the ideological and political perspectives that make up the dilemma of the trade union movement from this reopening, as corresponds to a political trend, largely, overcome within the brazilian social work

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Through the analysis of the informational activity at the primary care of SUS at the scale of places, this dissertation has as central objective to observe the dispute for the concepts of health and sickness, in the ambit of Brazilian Health Movement, featuring, on one hand, the clinic, biomedical or flexnerian line hegemonic, scientifically restrict and the primary frame of references for the Brazilian health politics and on the other hand a multiplicity of new proposals and critic thoughts to the current model, which have , as common characteristic, the worry with a territorial way of thinking the health context, therefore beyond the biological processes. On the first chapter we jut out with details these scientific and ideological movements, on a wider way, but also on the specificities of the public health s information politics. On the second chapter we analyze the downward health information circle at the basic care, observing the operational processes of the information s technical systems SIAB and e-SUS. On the third and last chapter, we give references to think about an upward health information circle, centered on the places, ruled by the notions of autonomy, organic solidarity and communicational density. It would possess, as method s primary horizon, the local organization of production and managing of information through the work of the Health Community Agent, privileging therefore the urgency of the most contingent needs of the people in theirs every day s life

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)