A presença brasileira na América do Sul: ações e instrumentos de política externa

In this paper, the performance of Brazilian foreign policy in South America during the governments of Lula da Silva (2003-2010) and Rousseff (2011-2014) is discussed. It is showed that this activity has expanded in areas of greater consensus in the internal and external contexts. Thus, although with contradictions, initiatives to implement the infrastructure integration of transport, communications and energy into a political project, expansion of the role of the BNDES in the region and improvement of regional technical cooperation have been increasing.

Higher education in evening courses in Brazil: history, growth and public policies at the beginning of the XXI Century

There are three distinct and complementary objectives in this article in order to clarify the higher education outline in Brazil, specifically evening courses (classes are held on weekdays, generally from 7:00 pm to 10:30 pm) and thesecurrent sector policies. The first objective is to present a short historical overview on the establishment of evening courses in Brazil, including those in the higher education level, occurred on the middle of last century. The second objective is to demonstrate the growth of evening higher education in Brazil, considering that in 1998, of the 2.1 million college enrollments, 55.3% were enrolled in evening courses; in 2010, twelve years later, of the 5.4 million students enrolled, there were 63.5% enrolled in evening courses. This expansion is due to the growing need of many students who must work while attending college, to defray costs of the study as well as personal and family costs. The reality of the working student is hostile considering external factors, such as transport problems, public security and lack of legislation for flexible working hours. The third objective is to discuss current public policies to expand eveningopenings in public institutions which represent nowadays only 16.1% of the 3.4 million enrollments for evening classes, including federal (6.8%), state (7.0%) and municipal (2.3%) institutions. In the third objective it is included the discussion of programs for scholarships and tuition loans. The methodology applied was to rescue historical information on the establishment and the expansion of evening courses in Brazil, analyzing the current general Brazilian policies and the specific ones from the State of São Paulo. The research results pointed to the importance of federal programs for scholarships and tuition loans for students from private institutions such as the 1,382,484 scholarships since 2004 (PROUNI Program) and the 847,000 tuition loans since 1999 (FIES Program). Important steps have been made by the Brazilian government. Considering that there are 3,987,424 enrollments in private institutions, the effectiveness of the programs for scholarships and tuition loans is still insufficient to meet the universal benefits for the student’s needs. Evening courses became the real instrument of social inclusion for many Brazilian youths and must be expanded quantitatively and qualitatively, with aggressive public policies, including also, scholarships and tuition loans.

Gestão da escola pública municipal e utilização do IDEB: as "traduções" no contexto da prática

Pós-graduação em Educação - FFC

'Reform' of the British national health service after the election of a labour government: Understanding the policy development process

The policy development process leading to the Labour government's white paper of December 1997—The new NHS: Modern, Dependable—is the focus of this project and the public policy development literature is used to aid in the understanding of this process. Policy makers who had been involved in the development of the white paper were interviewed in order to acquire a thorough understanding of who was involved in this process and how they produced the white paper. A theoretical framework is used that sorts policy development models into those that focus on knowledge and experience, and those which focus on politics and influence. This framework is central to understanding the evidence gathered from the individuals and associations that participated in this policy development process. The main research question to be asked in this project is to what extent do either of these sets of policy development models aid in understanding and explicating the process by which the Labour government's policies were developed. The interview evidence, along with published evidence, show that a clear pattern of policy change emerged from this policy development process, and the Knowledge-Experience and Politics-Influence policy making models both assist in understanding this process. The early stages of the policy development process were characterized as hierarchical and iterative, yet also very collaborative among those participating, with knowledge and experience being quite prevalent. At every point in the process, however, informal networks of political influence were used and noted to be quite prevalent by all of the individuals interviewed. The later stages of the process then became increasingly noninclusive, with decisions made by a select group of internal and external policy makers. These policy making models became an important tool with which to understand the policy development process. This Knowledge-Experience and Politics-Influence dichotomy of policy development models could therefore be useful in analyzing other types of policy development. ^

Exporting the Internal Market – Panacea or Nemesis for the European Neighbourhood Policy? Lessons from the Energy Community. EU Diplomacy Paper No. 2, 2014

Over the last decades, a constant feature of the relations between the European Union (EU) and the countries in its neighbourhood has been the export of European law. Achieved through bilateral or multilateral agreements, the export of law has led to the ‘juridification’ of external policy. The energy sector is in the vanguard of this development. European energy law has been made applicable to third countries through the European Economic Area (EEA) and, most important for the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), the Energy Community. Bilateral agreements of relevance for energy include the (draft) Association Agreement with Ukraine which was rejected in November 2013 and came on the agenda again following a revolution in the country. Geopolitics has played and continues to play an eminent role in this respect. What does that mean for the export of European law to neighbouring countries? This paper argues that the export of European (energy) law does not only remain possible but is preferable to purely diplomatic relations between the EU and its neighbours if certain conditions are fulfilled. Based on the experience in the EEA and the Energy Community, multilateral integration agreements can be successful if they offer a well-designed institutional and procedural architecture based on mutual commitments, extend the benefits of the internal market to the participating third countries and create ‘win-win’ situations in satisfying also the participating third countries' vital interests in return for undergoing the hardship of economic reforms.

Linking Policy and Practice:The Case of EU-UNICEF Cooperation on the Rights of the Child in Third Countries. IES WORKING PAPER 4/2013

This Working Paper offers detailed analysis of EU-UNICEF cooperation on the rights of the child in the European Union's external relations, in particular as regards linkages between the EU policy priorities and concrete actions to advance the protection and promotion of child rights in third countries. It addresses a number of crucial questions: how has the EU’s external policy on the rights of the child developed over the past decade, what were these developments influenced by and what role did UNICEF play in these processes; what is the legal and policy framework for EU-UNICEF cooperation in foreign policy and what added-value it brings; what mechanisms are used by the EU and UNICEF to improve child rights protection in third countries and what are the motivations behind their field cooperation. The study starts by examining the development of the EU’s foreign policy on the rights of the child and covers the legal basis enshrined in EU treaties, the policy framework, and the implementation instruments and then investigates the evolution of the EU’s relations with the United Nations. The paper focuses on the EU’s cooperation with UNICEF by looking into the legal and political framework for EU-UNICEF relations, the policy-oriented cooperation and joint implementation of projects on the ground in third countries. This section outlines the rationale behind the practical cooperation as well as the factors for success and obstacles hindering the delivery of sustainable results. Finally, the Working Paper concludes with suggestions on how EU-UNICEF cooperation could be further enhanced following recent developments, namely the 2012 EU Strategic Framework and the Action Plan on Human Rights as well as human rights country strategies.

A Progressive Promoter of Women’s Rights? Comparing EU Policy towards the ACP and the EMP Countries. Bruges Regional Integration & Global Governance Paper #3.2015

The paper offers an analysis of the degree to which two different external policy frameworks of the European Union (EU) have institutionalised and operationalised the EU’s commitment to women’s rights and gender equality. It compares the EU’s relations with the African Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries with the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP), using Senegal and Morocco as case studies. Although the comparison shows some resemblances between the two cases, as a whole women’s rights seem more deeply embedded in the institutional framework of EU-ACP relations than that of Euro-Mediterranean relations, and this together with the EU’s approach towards implementation has enabled its women’s rights policy to be slightly more influential on the ground in Senegal than in Morocco. However, both EU-ACP and EMP frameworks have their limits, reflecting the more general problem of inconsistency between the EU’s declaratory objectives and its actual promotion of human rights.

The trajectory of social housing policy in Brazil: From the National Housing Bank to the Ministry of the Cities

This paper discusses social housing policy in Brazil since the 1990s by analyzing government programs’ institutional arrangements, their sources of revenues and the formatting of related financial systems. The conclusion suggests that all these arrangements have not constituted a comprehensive housing policy with the clear aim of serving to enhance housing conditions in the country. Housing ‘policies’ since the 1990s – as proposed by Fernando Collor de Mello, Itamar Franco, Fernando Henrique Cardoso and ´ Luis Inacio Lula da Silva’s governments (in the latter case, despite much progress towards subsidized investment programs) – have sought to consolidate financial instruments in line with global markets, restructuring the way private interests operate within the system, a necessary however incomplete course of action. Different from rhetoric, this has resulted in failure as the more fundamental social results for the poor have not yet been achieved.

The trajectory of social housing policy in Brazil: From the National Housing Bank to the Ministry of the Cities

This paper discusses social housing policy in Brazil since the 1990s by analyzing government programs’ institutional arrangements, their sources of revenues and the formatting of related financial systems. The conclusion suggests that all these arrangements have not constituted a comprehensive housing policy with the clear aim of serving to enhance housing conditions in the country. Housing ‘policies’ since the 1990s – as proposed by Fernando Collor de Mello, Itamar Franco, Fernando Henrique Cardoso and ´ Luis Inacio Lula da Silva’s governments (in the latter case, despite much progress towards subsidized investment programs) – have sought to consolidate financial instruments in line with global markets, restructuring the way private interests operate within the system, a necessary however incomplete course of action. Different from rhetoric, this has resulted in failure as the more fundamental social results for the poor have not yet been achieved.

Supporting quality timely PhD completions: Delivering research outcomes

The case study used a three-phase organising process to explain how design and implementation of an accessible and interactive electronic thesis submission form streamlined quality assurance of theses and their timely dissemination via an online thesis repository. The quality of the theses submitted is assured by key academics in their final sign off of the form. It describes the role of shared cultural value in ensuring ready acceptance of a change process within one university and highlights the value of communication in achieving positive change. Quality standards as defined by an external policy framework are shown to be interpreted at the local university level to enhance the PhD completion experience. It describes the impact of moving quality assurance processes to an online environment on research activities; considering the potential for quality assurance to improve universities’ teaching, learning and research activities by facilitating academic oversight of the quality assurance process and reducing the overheads associated with monitoring, measuring and reporting on quality assurance measures.

Acordos internacionais de cooperação nos governos Fernando Henrique e Lula

Explicita algumas características da política externa praticada pelo Brasil no que diz respeito à celebração de acordos de cooperação e onde as gestões dos presidentes Fernando Henrique e Lula se aproximam ou se distanciam. Os resultados encontrados mostram o universalismo das parcerias firmadas e o predomínio de acordos de cooperação técnica com os países em desenvolvimento.

Os impactos da revolução cubana na política externa brasileira (1958 1961)

A Revolução Cubana foi o evento mais importante das relações interamericanas no século XX. Ela foi responsável pela quebra da homogeneidade da sociedade americana, introduzindo, no continente, tensões típicas da Guerra Fria. O processo revolucionário cubano obrigou aos Estados Unidos a rever a sua política para a América Latina que, entre as décadas de 1940 e 1950, tratava o subcontinente como uma área secundária. A Revolução nas Caraíbas teve impactos diretos também na formulação da política externa brasileira. Durante o governo Juscelino Kubitschek, a Operação Pan-Americana previa um plano de integração com o objetivo de eliminar o subdesenvolvimento. O rechaço da iniciativa por parte do governo cubano, foi um dos fatos determinantes para o abandono da Operação. A administração subseqüente, do presidente Jânio Quadros, foi responsável por uma profunda reformulação na diplomacia do Brasil. A Política Externa Independente previa a defesa da autodeterminação dos povos e não-intervenção em assuntos internos que, aplicados ao caso cubano, foram encarados por setores conservadores como apoio a um regime socialista. A condecoração do líder revolucionário Ernesto Che Guevara e a oposição aos princípios da Política Externa Independente (PEI) foram fatores que culminaram na renúncia do presidente brasileiro.

Inserção internacional no governo Lula o papel da política africana

O arco geográfico de atuação internacional de um país se delimita a partir das linhas de ação traçadas pela política externa. No caso brasileiro, o continente africano é percebido pelo pensamento diplomático como espaço privilegiado para a presença internacional do Brasil, em vista dos laços históricos e culturais, além de complementaridades econômicas e políticas. Essa percepção apresentou oscilações ao longo dos anos, nas relações Brasil-África, em uma dinâmica de maior aproximação ou afastamento, em vista de conjunturas internacionais e domésticas de ambos os lados. Nos últimos anos, ao longo do governo de Lula da Silva no Brasil, esse movimento convergiu para o estreitamento de laços e estabelecimento de parcerias e acordos de cooperação diversos. A compreensão desse processo, bem como de seus desdobramentos iniciais, é o que se pretende tratar na dissertação ora apresentada. Ao arguir acerca da relevância das relações diplomáticas do Brasil com países africanos, a presente dissertação baseou-se em levantamento de dados de comércio exterior, análise de discurso diplomático, leitura de reflexões de especialistas e acompanhamento dos desdobramentos suscitados pela valorização do continente africano para a política externa brasileira. A pesquisa efetuada encaminhou-se para o levantamento da hipótese acerca da assertividade e pragmatismo da política africana de Lula da Silva, em vista de seus resultados e vínculos com o interesse nacional.

Política Externa Brasileira para a Amazônia: imperativos, atores e políticas (1964-2002)

A presente dissertação demonstra as mudanças introduzidas na formulação de política externa para a Amazônia com a entrada de novos atores com interesses variados na área. Ao longo do texto é mostrado como a diversidade de atores que participa desse processo mostra-se diferenciada com relação ao de outras regiões do Brasil. A dissertação tem como objetivo ampliar o debate acerca do papel de atores não-tradicionais nessa área de estudos, inserindo-os em uma corrente de pensamento que olha a política externa tanto a partir de seus constrangimentos internos quanto pelo viés das forças profundas que atuam no cenário internacional. A importância desse estudo para as pesquisas envolvendo a Amazônia deve-se, principalmente, em função da área possuir uma variedade de atores com caráter doméstico, internacional ou transnacional que atuam através de lobbies e redes políticas na tentativa de influenciar as políticas domésticas e externas para o espaço. Apresenta então a discussão do surgimento das principais preocupações da política externa no que tange o espaço brasileiro da floresta em decorrência da maior atenção verificada na arena internacional com o meio ambiente, o que traz mudanças políticas importantes durante o período autoritário (1964-1985). Como consequência da redemocratização (1985-2002) e do aumento dos fluxos intra e interpaíses, o espaço amazônico devido a suas riquezas potenciais voltou ao cerne dos debates de meio ambiente, o que teve impactos diretos no rearranjo político doméstico. Mais atores passaram a atuar na discussão pública sobre a floresta o que gerou novas formas de promoção da política externa do país nesse campo por meio de grupos e novas condutas na sua história diplomática, porém em acordo com seu principal formulador de política externa: o Itamaraty.

A participação do poder legislativo na política externa brasileira - áreas de economia e Mercosul - nos governos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso e no primeiro governo de Luis Inácio Lula da Silva

Este trabalho analisou o papel do Legislativo na política externa brasileira (PEB), para verificar se sua atuação nesse tema é independente ou se ele se restringe a ser mera instância burocrática, no processo de aperfeiçoamento do ato internacional. Tomando para universo de pesquisa os atos internacionais, encaminhados para referendo do Congresso Nacional nos dois Governos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso e no primeiro Governo Lula, que versavam sobre Economia e Mercosul, o estudo, utilizando como elementos de análise os conceitos de compatibilidade e consenso e o tempo de tramitação, avaliou a correlação entre o tempo de tramitação do ato internacional no Executivo e o seu tempo de tramitação nas duas Casas do Congresso Nacional para determinar se, no processo legislativo de referendo, houve submissão da vontade do Legislativo à do Executivo; cooperação com o Executivo; ou atuação independente, em oposição ao Executivo, na defesa de interesses de grupos de pressão com capacidade para interferir nos trabalhos legislativos. Os resultados encontrados indicaram a ocorrência, no decorrer do processo legislativo de referendo do ato internacional, de duas dessas três situações. As Casas do Congresso Nacional, no exercício de suas atribuições constitucionais, tanto atuam em coordenação, para acelerar o processo de referendo ou para retardá-lo, como em oposição ao Executivo, dando espaço para grupos de pressão interferirem no processo de referendo do ato internacional, sendo que a singularidade da participação do Legislativo na política externa brasileira, a qual induz a que não seja reconhecida a importância do papel que ele desempenha no tema, é o fato de que sua atuação não se dá, preferencialmente, pela apresentação de emendas ou rejeição do ato internacional, mas pelo uso do tempo de tramitação do processo legislativo de referendo como instrumento de manifestação de sua posição em relação ao conteúdo desse ato