Group portrait at the farewell banquet for Dr. William Antopol from the laboratory staff of Mount Sinai Hospital; Ken's Chop House, New York city Portraits Groups

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Portrait of William and Charlotte Engel Levison Portraits Couples

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Dr. William Levison working at a desk Portraits Men

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Portrait of Dr. William Levison Portraits Men

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Portrait of Dr. William Levison in military uniform Portraits Men

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Group US Army military portrait including Dr. William Levison (top row, third from left); Schofield Barracks, Hawaii Portraits Groups Men

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Portrait of Dr. William Levison smoking a corn pipe Portraits Men

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Dr. William Levison celebrating Christmas Eve with U.S. Army buddies; Schofield Barracks, Hawaii Portraits Groups Men

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Dr. William Levison with U.S. Army buddies; Schofield Barracks, Hawaii Portraits Groups Men

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Thinking critically about rural crime: The influence of William J. Chambliss

William J. Chambliss (Bill) is well-known for his path-breaking theories of lawmaking and for his innovative research on state-organized crime. However, rarely discussed is the fact that his study of the original vagrancy laws marked the birth of rural critical criminology. The main objective of this article is twofold: (1) to show how Bill helped shape contemporary rural critical criminology and (2) to provide suggestions for further critical theoretical and empirical work on rural crime and social control.

Leo Baeck with New York Mayor William O'Dwyer Portraits; Groups; Men

Page 68 of the "American Jewish Cavalcade" scrapbook of Leo Baeck in New York found in ROS 10 Folder 3

Leo Baeck with New York Mayor William O'Dwyer and Union of American Hebrew Congregations President Maurice N. Eisendrath, Oscar M. Lazrus and Rabbi Daniel L. Davis Portraits; Groups; Men

Page 12 of the "American Jewish Cavalcade" scrapbook of Leo Baeck in New York found in ROS 10 Folder 3

Sermon by Jacques Judah Lyons on the death of President William Henry Harrison

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Rhetoric and public speech in English republicanism, 1642-1681

The study analyses the ambivalent relationship republicanism, as a form of self-government free from domination, had with the ideal of participatory oratory and non-dominated speech on the one hand, and with the danger of unhindered demagogy and its possibly fatal consequences to that form of government on the other. Although previous scholarship has delved deeply into republicanism as well as into rhetoric and public speech, the interplay between those aspects has only gathered scattered interest, and there has been no systematic study considering the variety of republican approaches to rhetoric and public speech in 17th-century England. The rare attempts to do so have been studies in English literature, and they have not analysed the political philosophy of republicanism, as the focus has been on republicanism as a literary culture. This study connects the fields of political theory, political history as well as literature in order to make a multidisciplinary contribution to intellectual history. The study shows that, within the tradition of classical republicanism, individual authors could make different choices when addressing the problematic topics of public speech and rhetoric, and the variety of their conclusions often set the authors against each other, resulting in the development of their theories through internal debates within the republican tradition. The authors under study were chosen to reflect this variety and the connections between them: the similarities between James Harrington and John Streater, and between John Milton and John Hall of Durham are shown, as well the controversies between Harrington and Milton, and Streater and Hall, respectively. In addition, by analysing the writings of Marchamont Nedham the study will show that the choices were not limited to more, or less, democratic brands of republicanism. Most significantly, the study provides a thorough analysis of the political philosophies behind the various brands of republicanism, in addition to describing them. By means of this analysis, the study shows that previous attempts to assess the role of free speech and public debate, through the lenses of modern, rights-based liberal political theory have resulted in an inappropriate framework for understanding early modern English republicanism. By approaching the topics through concepts used by the republicans legitimate authority, leadership by oratory, and republican freedom and through the frames of reference available and familiar to them roles of education and institutions the study presents a thorough and systematic analysis of the role and function of rhetoric and public speech in English republicanism. The findings of this analysis have significant consequences to our current understanding of the history and development of republican political theory, and, more generally, of the connections between democratic theory and free speech.

En las raíces ideológicas de Montoneros : John William Cooke lee a Gramsci en Cuba

Desde 1945 la izquierda argentina no pudo resolver el enigma planteado por el hecho de que la clase obrera era peronista. Varios intentos teóricos fracasaron antes de que John William Cooke hiciera el suyo a mediados de los años sesenta. Influenciado por Gramsci, consideró que la clase obrera es una categoría histórica, por lo que el peronismo era la experiencia histórica de la clase obrera argentina y, como tal, revolucionario. Neutralizó el papel político de Perón convirtiéndolo en el símbolo de la identidad peronista. Por esto, la teoría de Cooke fue clave para que guerrilleros de izquierda se declararan peronistas sin que les importaran las opiniones e intenciones políticas de Perón. Las limitaciones de esa teoría quedaron expuestas cuando el general regresó a la Argentina y fue electo presidente por tercera vez.