991 resultados para Anti-looneybin movement
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Fracking in England has been the subject of significant controversy and has sparked not only public protest but also an associated framing war with differing social constructions of the technology adopted by different sides. This article explores the frames and counter-frames which have been employed by both the anti-fracking movement and by government and the oil and gas industry. It then considers the way in which the English planning and regulatory permitting systems have provided space for these frames within the relevant machinery for public participation. The article thus enables one to see which frames have been allowed a voice and which have been excluded.
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Progress Report from the Strategic Sanctuary for the Destruction of Free Will presents a new work combining film, music and installation that juxtaposes the setting of the institution with the aesthetics of psychedelia.Progress Report from the Strategic Sanctuary for the Destruction of Free Will is an installation, film and sound work that takes over the gallery. Using plain white card, it distorts the structure of the gallery’s architecture, producing a paranoid shrunken space. Inside this space, performers in cardboard costumes re-enact abstracted, broken gestures drawn from video documentation of acid trips, psychedelic dancing, rehab sessions and radical psychotherapy workshops. Progress Report from the Strategic Sanctuary for the Destruction of Free Will has been formed through Pil and Galia Kollectiv’s research into the anti-psychiatry movement, their interests in counter cultural movements and their studies around biopolitics and the proliferation of societal medication. In 1958, having had a life changing experience with LSD, former alcoholic Charles Dederich founded Synanon, a drug rehabilitation program based on residential care and an aggressive form of group therapy called ‘The Game’. The organisation gradually evolved into a controversial alternative community, described in a critical pamphlet as creating Strategic Sanctuaries for the Destruction of Free Will, “a subversive program for mixing delinquents and lefties”. In 1984, anti-psychiatrist R. D. Laing described tranquillizers as chemical straight jackets. With our growing understanding of the plasticity of the brain and the potential to shape it, the tension between liberation and control in the struggle over the mind continues to define our relationship to labour, culture and production. Interrogating these ideas, the exhibition poses the question of whether a collective body can overcome the solipsism of the incommunicable experience of the individual mind.
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My research aims to understand how and why fundamentalists justify violence against people who do not fit their profile of "righteous" or "saved" persons, such as abortion doctors and clinic workers, gays and lesbians, and Jews. The first section of this paper travels through the history of fundamentalism since its origins in the British and American apocalipticism, or belief in the Second Coming of Jesus Christ. However, my history of Protestant Fundamentalism in the United States will focus on the ways in which Fundamentalism developed in response to many changes in American social structure. I interpret Fundamentalism as an anti-modern movement seeking to reassert "traditional" Christian values.
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Based on the proposal entitled anti-prohibitionist, contrary to prohibition and illegality of cannabis and its use, the anti-prohibitionist Collectives proposes to discuss the topic of drugs, especially marijuana, aiming decriminalization and legalization of this psychoactive. With this idea was articulated anti-prohibitionist movement in Natal, by organizing collectives that discuss issues related to drug use and conduct activities directed to this issue, such as Marijuana Marches and Cycles of Debates anti-prohibitionist. In this study we sought to understand the positioning in social and cultural terms, the marijuana users participating of the collectives, on the situation of illegality of their actions, in front of social, legal and moral question involved in the illicit psychoactive, through initiatives conferences, events and demonstrations for this purpose
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Mental Health, in the form of the Psychiatric Reform, and the Anti-Asylum Movement do not ignore the production of knowledge about that field, mainly due to the consolidation of Public Health as a field of knowledge. The article explores some authors who consider Mental Health as a new field of knowledge, introducing a new paradigm in the perception of health - Disease and Care -; however, the goal is to introduce Psychosocial Care as a means to enforce the transdisciplinary and multiprofessional practices. The possibility is that mental health produces developments in Health, consolidating the public policies. In practice, the hospital-centered and drug-based model still predominates, and there are setbacks to be overcome by taking advantage of loopholes capable of breaking with what is instituted.
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This article seeks to contribute to the debate on the importance of cultural collective producers of anti-capitalist content, ownership of digital ecology by subaltern segments, the creation of the opposition media to exclusionary globalization and the articulation of alternative and radical public sphere for the recent demonstrations policies in planetary scale. Data were collected in the first half of 2013, on a course completion project in vehicles with citizen journalism characteristics ["Portal Fórum", "Outras Palavras" and "Observatório da Imprensa"]. Partial these mapping results indicate that these manifestations inherited anti-capitalist demands of previous decades, and amplified in [by digitally pathways] in political demonstrations that swept those abrasive months in major cities worldwide.
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This study seeks to address a gap in the study of nonviolent action. The gap relates to the question of how nonviolence is performed, as opposed to the meaning or impact of nonviolent politics. The dissertation approaches the history of nonviolent protest in South Asia through the lens of performance studies. Such a shift allows for concepts such as performativity and theatricality to be tested in terms of their applicability and relevance to contemporary political and philosophical questions. It also allows for a different perspective on the historiography of nonviolent protest. Using concepts, modes of analysis and tropes of thinking from the emerging field of performance studies, the dissertation analyses two different cases of nonviolent protest, asking how politics is performatively constituted. The first two sections of this study set out the parameters of the key terms of the dissertation: nonviolence and performativity, by tracing their genealogies and legacies as terms. These histories are then located as an intersection in the founding of the nonviolent. The case studies at the analytical core of the dissertation are: fasting as a method in Gandhi's political arsenal, and the army of nonviolent soldiers in the North-West Frontier Province, known as the Khudai Khidmatgar. The study begins with an overview of current theorisations of nonviolence. The approach to the subject is through an investigation of commonly held misconceptions about nonviolent action, such as its supposed passivity, the absence of violence, its ineffectiveness and its spiritual basis. This section addresses the lacunae within existing theories of nonviolence and points to possible fertile spaces for further exploration. Section 3 offers an overview of the different shades of the concept of performativity, asking how it is used in various contexts and how these different nuances can be viewed in relation to each other. The dissertation explores how a theory of performativity may be correlated to the theorisation of nonviolence. The correlations are established in four boundary areas: action/inaction, violence/absence of violence, the actor/opponent and the body/spirit. These boundary areas allow for a theorising of nonviolent action as a performative process. The first case study is Gandhi's use of the fast as a method of nonviolent protest. Using a close reading of his own writings, speeches and letters, as well as a reading of responses to his fast in British newspapers and within India, the dissertation asks what made fasting into Gandhi's most favoured mode of protest and political action. The study reconstructs his unique praxis of the fast from a performative perspective, demonstrating how display and ostentation are vital to the political economy of the fast. It also unveils the cultural context and historical reservoir of body practices, which Gandhi drew from and adapted into 'weapons' of political action. The relationship of Gandhian nonviolence to the body forms a crucial part of the analysis. The second case study is the nonviolent army of the Pashtuns, Khudai Khidmatgar (KK), literally Servants of God. This anti-imperialist movement in the North-West Frontier Province of what is today the border between Pakistan and Afghanistan existed between 1929 and 1948. The movement adopted the organisational form of an army. It conducted protest activities against colonial rule, as well as social reform activities for the Pashtuns. This group was connected to the Congress party of Gandhi, but the dissertation argues that their conceptualisation and praxis of nonviolence emerged from a very different tradition and worldview. Following a brief introduction to the socio-political background of this Pashtun movement, the dissertation explores the activities that this nonviolent army engaged in, looking at their unique understanding of the militancy of an unarmed force, and their mode of combat and confrontation. Of particular interest to the analysis is the way the KK re-combined and mixed what appear to be contradictory ideologies and acts. In doing so, they reframed cultural and historical stereotypes of the Pashtuns as a martial race, juxtaposing the institutional form of the army with a nonviolent praxis based on Islamic principles and social reform. The example of the Khudai Khidmatgar is used to explore the idea that nonviolence is not the opposite of violent conflict, but in fact a dialectical engagement and response to violence. Section 5, in conclusion, returns to the boundary areas of nonviolence: action, violence, the opponent and the body, and re-visits these areas on a comparative note, bringing together elements from Gandhi's fasts and the practices of the KK. The similarities and differences in the two examples are assessed and contextualised in relation to the guiding question of this study, namely the question of the performativity of nonviolent action.
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For most of the past two decades, the notion that there is no alternative to the market as a basis for organising society has constituted a kind of global 'common sense', accepted not only by the neo-liberal Right but also by social democratic thinkers and politicians, in the form of 'the Third Way'. This paper will critically assess the central claims of neoliberalism in the light of experience in the UK and internationally, evaluate the ways in which Third Way policies are shaping social work in the UK, and in the final section, begin to explore some of the ways in which the anti-capitalist movement which has emerged in recent years might contribute to the development of a new, engaged social work, based on social justice.
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In January 2012, Poland witnessed massive protests, both in the streets and on the Internet, opposing ratification of the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement, which triggered a wave of strong anti-ACTA movements across Europe. In Poland, these protests had further far-reaching consequences, as they not only changed the initial position of the government on the controversial treaty but also actually started a public debate on the role of copyright law in the information society. Moreover, as a result of these events the Polish Ministry for Administration and Digitisation launched a round table, gathering various stakeholders to negotiate a potential compromise with regard to copyright law that would satisfy conflicting interests of various actors. This contribution will focus on a description of this massive resentment towards ACTA and a discussion of its potential reasons. Furthermore, the mechanisms that led to the extraordinary influence of the anti-ACTA movement on the governmental decisions in Poland will be analysed through the application of models and theories stemming from the social sciences. The importance of procedural justice in the copyright legislation process, especially its influence on the image of copyright law and obedience of its norms, will also be emphasised.
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Background. HPV is the underlying cause of cervical cancer, a malignant tumor of the female genital tract. Each year, cervical cancer is newly diagnosed in approximately 10,000 women, and over 3,000 women die from the malignancy. In addition, HPV is implicated as a cause of other cancers involving the genital tract, male and female, and the head and neck. ^ Gardasil, a vaccine against HPV, was licensed by the FDA in June 2006. Early study results have shown Gardasil to be safe and effective at preventing HPV infections that are commonly associated with the development of cervical cancer, as well as other HPV-related cancers and genital warts. The vaccine is most effective when administered in childhood, before initial exposure to HPV, which typically occurs shortly after the onset of sexual activity. Accordingly, the CDC's Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP) has recommended routine vaccination of females aged 11-12 years. ^ Taking the ACIP recommendation one step further, many states have considered school-based mandates of the HPV vaccine in an attempt to reduce the burden of HPV-related illness, in particular to reduce the disparately high incidence of cervical cancer in medically underserved populations. These mandate attempts have sparked heated debate—highlighting public concerns regarding adolescent sexuality, corporate greed, and vaccines in general. ^ Methods. My research focuses on publicly available sources of information such as medical journals, government reports (federal and state), NGO reports, newspapers, and books. I begin with a background discussion of HPV, cervical cancer, and the HPV vaccine. I then discuss public health policy issues related to vaccines, vaccine mandates, and HPV-related illness. Specifically, I discuss the public health benefit of previous vaccine mandates, the legality of vaccine mandates, and the undue corporate influence on the politics of instituting HPV vaccine mandates. In addition, I examine some of the causes behind the anti-vaccine movement and the controversy surrounding adolescent sexuality as it pertains to the HPV vaccine. In the final section, I focus on the recent failed attempt by Governor Rick Perry to mandate the HPV vaccine in Texas. A retrospective analysis of Governor Perry's policy decisions is undertaken and recommendations are made regarding future attempts to mandate the HPV vaccine, or other vaccines under development for similar sexually transmitted viral diseases such as HIV and herpes simplex. ^ Results. In Texas, as in other states across the country, HPV vaccine mandates faced opposition from those who, while they may support mandates of other vaccines, oppose mandates for the HPV vaccine based largely on the idea that HPV is a sexually transmitted disease—they see responsible sexual behavior as the appropriate method for preventing HPV-related illness. A second major group of opposition comes from those who are generally opposed to all vaccine mandates, due to concerns that mandates are intended primarily for the financial benefit of the pharmaceutical industry or due to concerns—largely unfounded—that vaccines pose a greater health threat than the illnesses they are designed to prevent. ^ Conclusion. In order to reduce opposition to vaccine mandates, care must be taken to educate the public regarding the benefits of vaccination by mobilizing the public health sector, avoid the impression that the decision to institute mandates is rash or pressured by allowing time for open debate, and minimize lobbying efforts by vaccine manufacturers. ^
La construcción del enemigo : El antiespañolismo en la literatura revolucionaria porteña (1810-1820)
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El proceso revolucionario inaugurado en 1810 fue acompañado de una propaganda política tendiente a suscitar la adhesión y a adoctrinar políticamente a la población porteña, la que tuvo como componente central un discurso antiespañolista con el objetivo de definir al enemigo político de la revolución: los españoles. En este trabajo se examina cómo fueron representados los españoles en las obras teatrales y poesías "patrióticas" escritas por los letrados revolucionarios durante la década de 1810 y de qué forma el antiespañolismo desarrollado en estas obras fue entendido e incorporado al imaginario antiespañol presente en la sociedad porteña desde tiempos coloniales.
La construcción del enemigo : El antiespañolismo en la literatura revolucionaria porteña (1810-1820)
Resumo:
El proceso revolucionario inaugurado en 1810 fue acompañado de una propaganda política tendiente a suscitar la adhesión y a adoctrinar políticamente a la población porteña, la que tuvo como componente central un discurso antiespañolista con el objetivo de definir al enemigo político de la revolución: los españoles. En este trabajo se examina cómo fueron representados los españoles en las obras teatrales y poesías "patrióticas" escritas por los letrados revolucionarios durante la década de 1810 y de qué forma el antiespañolismo desarrollado en estas obras fue entendido e incorporado al imaginario antiespañol presente en la sociedad porteña desde tiempos coloniales.
La construcción del enemigo : El antiespañolismo en la literatura revolucionaria porteña (1810-1820)
Resumo:
El proceso revolucionario inaugurado en 1810 fue acompañado de una propaganda política tendiente a suscitar la adhesión y a adoctrinar políticamente a la población porteña, la que tuvo como componente central un discurso antiespañolista con el objetivo de definir al enemigo político de la revolución: los españoles. En este trabajo se examina cómo fueron representados los españoles en las obras teatrales y poesías "patrióticas" escritas por los letrados revolucionarios durante la década de 1810 y de qué forma el antiespañolismo desarrollado en estas obras fue entendido e incorporado al imaginario antiespañol presente en la sociedad porteña desde tiempos coloniales.
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A Reforma Psiquiátrica, atual política de saúde mental, redireciona os recursos da assistência psiquiátrica para o modelo de base comunitária, substituindo o modelo asilar. A abordagem proposta pela Reforma Psiquiátrica procura conjugar o esforço teórico e prático para a construção da Rede de Atenção Psicossocial. O presente trabalho objetivou desvelar concepções e práticas de trabalhadores da saúde mental, construídas na práxis de suas trajetórias profissionais e contextos de vida, em relação à incorporação do modelo de atenção psicossocial ou manutenção de princípios asilares, caracterizadores da tradicional prática profissional em saúde mental. Objetivou também identificar pontos de tensão, que caracterizam interesses de diferentes naturezas, como obstáculos e desafios à implementação da Reforma Psiquiátrica. A pesquisa, de natureza qualitativa, contou com 10 entrevistas de profissionais atuando na área, baseada na técnica de depoimento oral e em roteiro do tipo temático, sendo 3 enfermeiros, 3 psicólogos, 3 psiquiatras e 1 terapeuta ocupacional. Os relatos dos profissionais foram organizados em categorias gerais e específicas tendo em vista a interpretação das narrativas à luz da literatura especializada. Através dos discursos dos profissionais do campo da saúde mental é possível observar que um tensionamento ideológico marca fortemente o espaço da saúde. Alguns profissionais relataram a busca por construir práticas em equipe interdisciplinar, pautadas pelo modelo psicossocial; porém, referem à resistência de outros profissionais da equipe. Praticamente todos os profissionais apresentam discursos de humanização no campo da saúde mental, mas alguns não enunciam visões críticas aos modelos asilares. Alguns trabalhadores revelam a crença na possibilidade de coexistência integrada entre o Modo Asilar e Modo Psicossocial. Para estes trabalhadores de CAPS, é desejável a permanência dos hospitais psiquiátricos e é possível a humanização dos mesmos. Essa questão indica, ao que parece, que as práticas em saúde mental ainda operam sobre premissas epistemológicas diferenciando sujeitos que podem ou não circular no meio social. A existência dos hospitais psiquiátricos, considerados como instituições totais, é problematizada e questionada pela Luta Antimanicomial, indica a permanência da lógica asilar que respalda a continuidade dos hospitais, exclusivamente psiquiátricos, entre os serviços de atendimento, com o apoio de parte dos profissionais da rede de saúde mental. Concordantes com a possibilidade de coexistência do modelo asilar e modelo psicossocial, estes profissionais permitem-nos demonstrar que mesmo uma visão clínica pretensamente humanizadora, que defenda em seu discurso um tratamento digno, pode operar no modelo teórico-metodológico positivista e não está necessariamente vinculada a uma postura política de sujeitos de direitos e de cidadania. Os profissionais que apresentaram em suas narrativas a não concordância com a permanência dos hospitais psiquiátricos, defendem que as transformações sejam clínicas e políticas nos saberes e nas práticas em Saúde Mental. Estes trabalhadores já fizeram ou fazem parte de movimentos sociais, apontados como lugares de reflexão crítica sobre ideias instituídas contribuindo, ao que parece, para o processo de desnaturalização de concepções construídas culturalmente e orientadoras de práticas profissionais. Diante de tais constatações podemos indagar e refletir se a desinstitucionalização, concreta e simbólica, encontra-se no horizonte de uma política pública de atenção em Saúde Mental que realmente tenha como projeto a sua real implementação e se a permanência dos hospitais psiquiátricos e das comunidades terapêuticas estaria descaracterizando as propostas iniciais da construção da Atenção Psicossocial, considerando os interesses privados e a manutenção da lógica asilar, contrários aos princípios do SUS.
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Contains references to Lydia Maria Child, p. 97. Sarah M. and Angeline E. Grimke, pp. 98-99.