992 resultados para Advocacy Coalition Framework


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Authentic assessment tasks enhance engagement, retention and the aspirations of students. This paper explores the discipline-generic features of authentic assessment, which reflect what students need to achieve in the real world. Some assessment tasks are more authentic than others and this paper designs a proposed framework supported by the literature that aids unit co-ordinators to determine the level of authenticity of an assessment task. The framework is applied to three summative assessment tasks, that is, tutorial participation, advocacy exercise and problem-based exam, in a law unit. The level of authenticity of the assessment tasks is compared and opportunities to improve authenticity are identified.

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This chapter analyses the copyright law framework needed to ensure open access to outputs of the Australian academic and research sector such as journal articles and theses. It overviews the new knowledge landscape, the principles of copyright law, the concept of open access to knowledge, the recently developed open content models of copyright licensing and the challenges faced in providing greater access to knowledge and research outputs.

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The Technology Acceptance Model (TAM) is a prominent framework that addresses the challenge of organisations to understand and promote the factors that lead to acceptance of new technologies. Nevertheless, our understanding of one of the model's key variables – social influence – remains limited. Drawing upon earlier studies that address the role of referent individuals to technology acceptance, this paper introduces the notion of ‘coalition’ as a social group that can affect the opinion of other members within an organisation. Our empirical study centres on an organisation that has recently decided to introduce Big Data into its formal operations. Through a unique empirical approach that analyses sentiments expressed by individuals about this technology on the organisation's online forum, we demonstrate the emergence of a central referent, and in turn the dynamics of a coalition that builds around this referent as the attitudes of individuals converge upon the Big Data issue. Our paper contributes to existing TAM frameworks by elaborating the social influence variable and providing a dynamic lens to the technology acceptance process. We concurrently offer a methodological tool for organisations to understand social dynamics that form about a newly introduced technology and accelerate its acceptance by employees.

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Young workers are over-represented in workplace injury statistics and there is growing interest in addressing their vulnerability and safety exposure. Such concerns have been raised within a broader discursive framework of responsibilisation which has seen a transfer of responsibility for workplace safety from employer to worker. This article examines the potential for self-advocacy as a strategy for improving the safety of young workers through the provision of resources to articulate and act on workplace rights. The study utilises data derived from 48 group interviews involving 216 high school students (13–16 years of age) at 19 high schools in Queensland, Australia, who were asked to discuss their knowledge and experience of workplace rights and responsibilities. The limitations of the safety self-advocacy approach are explored, including the social, developmental and organisational issues that might affect the ability or willingness of school-aged workers to self-advocate. The findings reveal that the notion of self-advocacy is internalised by young people before they even enter the formal labour market but that in practice, attempts by young people to enact rights to safety are often dismissed or undermined.

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We consider a framework in which several service providers offer downlink wireless data access service in a certain area. Each provider serves its end-users through opportunistic secondary spectrum access of licensed spectrum, and needs to pay primary license holders of the spectrum usage based and membership based charges for such secondary spectrum access. In these circumstances, if providers pool their resources and allow end-users to be served by any of the cooperating providers, the total user satisfaction as well as the aggregate revenue earned by providers may increase. We use coalitional game theory to investigate such cooperation among providers, and show that the optimal cooperation schemes can be obtained as solutions of convex optimizations. We next show that under usage based charging scheme, if all providers cooperate, there always exists an operating point that maximizes the aggregate revenue of providers, while presenting each provider a share of the revenue such that no subset of providers has an incentive to leave the coalition. Furthermore, such an operating point can be computed in polynomial time. Finally, we show that when the charging scheme involves membership based charges, the above result holds in important special cases.

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This paper is part of a major project about the Northern Cape Land Reform and Advocacy (NCLRA) programme being implemented by FARM-Africa* in South Africa. The NCLRA programme had initiated a financial mechanism to help poor communities to get access to finance and training in order to enable them to make better use of their newly-acquired land. One prominent aspect of the programme is the implementation of Livestock Banks, or the use of animals as financial products. The paper provides an analytical framework with which to evaluate the effectiveness of Livestock Banks in the poor communities of the Northern Cape in South Africa. It focuses on the design, implementation and future of Livestock Banks. The paper argues that Livestock Banks need to be reformed and enhanced if they are to continue to play a key role in the goal of creating financial and economic value in Africa, particularly when the primary objective is simultaneously to help reduce poverty. [Note]*FARM-Africa (Food & Agricultural Research Management) is a registered UK charity organisation and a company limited by guarantee in England and Wales no. 01926828.

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Human rights based budget analysis projects have emerged at a time when the United Nations has asserted the indivisibility of all human rights and attention is increasingly focused on the role of non-judicial bodies in promoting and protecting human rights. This book seeks to develop the human rights framework for such budget analyses, by exploring the international law obligations of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) in relation to budgetary processes. The book outlines international experiences and comparative practice in relation to economic and social rights budget analysis and budgeting.

The book sets out an ICESCR-based methodology for analysing budget and resource allocations and focuses on the legal obligation imposed on state parties by article 2(1) of ICESCR to progressively realise economic and social rights to 'the maximum of available resources'. Taking Northern Ireland as a key case study, the book demonstrates and promotes the use of a ‘rights-based’ approach in budgetary decision-making.

The book will be relevant to a global audience currently considering how to engage in the budget process from a human rights perspective. It will be of interest to students and researchers of international human rights law and public law, as well as economic and social rights advocacy and lobbying groups.

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À travers le cas de la Coalition québécoise contre la réforme de l’assurance-emploi, nous cherchons à comprendre quels sont les facteurs qui influencent les dynamiques internes d’une coalition de mouvements sociaux. Pour ce faire, nous effectuons, tout d’abord, une revue de la littérature axée sur les théories des mouvements sociaux et les coalitions de mouvements sociaux. Celle-ci nous permet de formuler l’hypothèse selon laquelle les relations interpersonnelles entre les représentants des différents groupes sociaux membres d’une coalition vont influencer sa durabilité et l’accomplissement de ses objectifs. Nous testons ensuite cette hypothèse en passant les données recueillies au filtre des indicateurs élaborés au sein de notre cadre théorique. Il s’agit donc de voir en quoi la structure de prise de décisions (processus décisionnel participatif et égalitaire, construction du plan d’action conjoint et élaboration des critères d’adhésion) et la présence de liens interpersonnels, préexistants à la formation de la Coalition, entre les individus membres de celle-ci, ont une influence sur son fonctionnement et sa continuité dans le temps. Enfin, nous terminons en analysant les liens personnels entre ces individus à travers l’ambiance dans les rencontres, le plaisir d’y participer et les relations qui s’y sont développées.

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Within the multi-disciplinary team concerned with child and adolescent development, speech pathologists are uniquely positioned to understand the nature and overall developmental significance of language acquisition in childhood and adolescence. Other disciplines contribute valuable insights about psychosocial development during the childhood and adolescent years. The field of developmental psychology, for example provides a large and convincing body of evidence about the role of academic success as a protective factor against a range of psychosocial harms, in particular substance misuse, truancy, early school leaving, and juvenile offending. In this paper, we argue that juvenile offending embodies the notion of "adolescent risk", but in Australia in particular, has been under-investigated with respect to possible associations with developmental language disorders and subsequent academic failure. We present findings pertaining to a sample of 30 male juvenile offenders completing community based orders. Performance on a range of oral language processing and production skills was poorer than that of a demographically similar comparison group. Our results confirm the need to conceptualize language within a broader risk and protective framework. We therefore emphasize the public health importance of early language competence, by virtue of the psychosocial protection it confers on young people with respect to the development of prosocial skills, transition to literacy and overall academic achievement. We argue that speech pathologists are best positioned to advocate at a policy level about the broader public health importance of oral language competence.

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The Ottawa Charter laid the ground work for a new research and practice agenda by urging health promoters to advocate for healthy public policies. After more than 20 years, it is now time to reflect on the state of policy research in health promotion and to examine how rigorously theories are applied. The review of the literature was
conducted on 11 peer-reviewed journals. The journals were selected for their solid track record in publishing health promotion articles and by using a set of predefined
inclusion and exclusion criteria. The articles, published between January 1986 and June 2006, were searched using Medline and CINAHL databases. The selected papers feature search terms related to ‘politics’, ‘policy’, ‘advocacy’ and ‘coalition’. We examined the theoretical grounding of each paper and whether it focuses on policy content (e.g. nature, impact, evolution of the policy), policy processes (e.g. advocacy capacity building and strategies) or theoretical/methodological issues in policy analysis. This review demonstrates that policy research in health promotion is still largely an a theoretical enterprise. Out of the 119 articles that were found eligible, 39 did apply to some degree a theoretical framework, of which 21 referred to a theoretical framework from political science. We conclude that the field has yet to acknowledge critical concepts that would help to shed light on the policy process, and that validated rigorous theoretical frameworks to inform research and practice are hardly applied. Recommendations are formulated to improve policy research in health promotion.

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BACKGROUND: As part of its endorsement of the World Health Organization's Global Action Plan to prevent non-communicable diseases, the Federal Government of Australia has committed to a 30% reduction in average population salt intake by 2025. Currently, mean daily salt intake levels are 8-9 g, varying by sex, region and population group. A number of salt reduction initiatives have been established over the last decade, but key elements for a co-ordinated population-level strategy are still missing. The objective of this review is to provide a comprehensive overview of existing population-level salt reduction activities in Australia and identify opportunities for further action.

METHODS: A review of the published literature and stakeholder activities was undertaken to identify and document current activities. The activities were then assessed against a pre-defined framework for salt reduction strategies.

RESULTS: A range of initiatives were identified from the review. The Australian Division of World Action on Salt and Health (AWASH) was established in 2005 and in 2007 launched its Drop the Salt! Campaign. This united non-governmental organisations (NGOs), health and medical and food industry organisations in a co-ordinated advocacy effort to encourage government to develop a national strategy to reduce salt. Subsequently, in 2010 the Federal Government launched its Food and Health Dialogue (FHD) with a remit to improve the health of the food supply in Australia through voluntary partnerships with food industry, government and non-government public health organisations. The focus of the FHD to date has been on voluntary reformulation of foods, primarily through salt reduction targets. More recently, in December 2014, the government's Health Star Rating system was launched. This front of pack labelling scheme uses stars to highlight the nutritional profile of packaged foods. Both government initiatives have clear targets or criteria for industry to meet, however, both are voluntary and the extent of industry uptake is not yet clear. There is also no parallel public awareness campaign to try and influence consumer behaviour relating to salt and no agreed mechanism for monitoring national changes in salt intake. The Victorian Health Promotion Foundation (VicHealth) has recently instigated a State-level partnership to advance action and will launch its strategy in 2015.

CONCLUSIONS: In conclusion, salt reduction activities are currently being implemented through a variety of different programs but additional efforts and more robust national monitoring mechanisms are required to ensure that Australia is on track to achieve the proposed 30% reduction in salt intake within the next decade.

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PURPOSE: Despite its official acceptance as an important physician responsibility, health advocacy remains difficult to define, teach, role model, and assess. The aim of the current study was to explore physicians' conceptions of health advocacy based on their experience with health-advocacy-related activities. METHOD: In 2012, the authors conducted 11 semistructured interviews with family physician clinical preceptors and analyzed the interviews in the tradition of phenomenography. RESULTS: The authors identified three distinct but related ways of understanding health advocacy: (1) Clinical: Health advocacy as support of individual patients in addressing health care needs related to the immediate clinical problem within the health care system, (2) Paraclinical: Health advocacy as support of individual patients in addressing needs that the physician preceptors viewed as peripheral yet parallel to both the health care system and the immediate clinical problem, and (3) Supraclinical: Health advocacy as population-based activities aimed at practice- and system-level changes that address the social determinants of health. CONCLUSIONS: The qualitatively different understandings of health advocacy shed light on why current approaches to defining, teaching, role modeling, and assessing health advocacy competencies in medical education appear idiosyncratic. The authors suggest the development of an inclusive and extensive conceptual framework that may allow the medical education community to imagine novel ways of understanding and engaging in health advocacy.

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Esta tese teve o intuito de analisar como os estados se organizaram para o enfrentamento dos problemas fiscais decorrentes da guerra fiscal que atinge seu principal imposto, o Imposto sobre Operações Relativas à Circulação de Mercadorias e sobre Prestações de Serviços de Transporte Interestadual, Intermunicipal e de Comunicação (ICMS), e da redução da receita do Fundo de Participação dos Estados (FPE). Além disso, procurou-se identificar os instrumentos utilizados pelos estados para fazerem a advocacy federativa de seus interesses junto à União. Buscou-se, ainda, analisar os modelos de coalisão estabelecidos, a trajetória e o comportamento das instituições para compreender a dinâmica das relações intergovernamentais, o grau de cooperação obtido diante de um quadro de heterogeneidade socioeconômica dos governos subnacionais e o impacto no processo de coordenação vertical. Partiu-se da hipótese de que a heterogeneidade dos governos estaduais dificulta a evolução do processo de cooperação e coordenação federativa, reduzindo o poder dos governos subnacionais de estabelecerem a advocacy de seus interesses com a União, além da construção de soluções para os problemas fiscais de forma coletiva. Visando entender a dinâmica federativa, o estudo analisou as tentativas fracassadas de reforma tributária do ICMS - principalmente para a eliminação da guerra fiscal - e a aprovação, em 2013, da nova lei que rege as transferências do FPE, a partir da atuação do Conselho Nacional de Política Fazendária (CONFAZ) e do Congresso Nacional. Essas são arenas selecionadas por serem estratégicos no conjunto da estrutura governamental, sendo o primeiro o órgão criado com o objetivo de harmonização do ICMS diante de um quadro de competitividade entre os estados e de confronto e pouca coordenação do Governo Federal; e o segundo, responsável, principalmente, pela aprovação de leis e pela fiscalização do Estado brasileiro. De forma a iluminar o caso brasileiro e identificar algumas soluções inovadoras foram apresentadas, também, experiências internacionais dos países Estados Unidos da América (EUA), Canadá e Austrália, que já avançaram na instituição de arranjos interestaduais, por meio de Conselhos de Governadores - chefes dos Poderes Executivos estaduais - que promovem políticas de atuação e decisões coletivas para a defesa de seus interesses junto aos governos centrais. Concluiu-se que, em que pesem as tentativas de reforma do ICMS e a reforma do FPE, cuja mudança representativa se dará aproximadamente em 400 anos, as estratégias, as formas de atuação adotadas pelos estados precisam ser revistas e o governo federal precisa resgatar o seu papel de coordenador de politica pública. Além disso o fortalecimento das instituições de advocacy federativa, presentes nas experiências internacionais, podem de forma incremental mudar o caso brasileiro contribuindo para a construção de um federalismo cooperativo e para a melhoria das relações intergovernamentais.

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Esta tese teve o intuito de analisar como os estados se organizaram para o enfrentamento dos problemas fiscais decorrentes da guerra fiscal que atinge seu principal imposto, o Imposto sobre Operações Relativas à Circulação de Mercadorias e sobre Prestações de Serviços de Transporte Interestadual, Intermunicipal e de Comunicação (ICMS), e da redução da receita do Fundo de Participação dos Estados (FPE). Além disso, procurou-se identificar os instrumentos utilizados pelos estados para fazerem a advocacy federativa de seus interesses junto à União. Buscou-se, ainda, analisar os modelos de coalisão estabelecidos, a trajetória e o comportamento das instituições para compreender a dinâmica das relações intergovernamentais, o grau de cooperação obtido diante de um quadro de heterogeneidade socioeconômica dos governos subnacionais e o impacto no processo de coordenação vertical. Partiu-se da hipótese de que a heterogeneidade dos governos estaduais dificulta a evolução do processo de cooperação e coordenação federativa, reduzindo o poder dos governos subnacionais de estabelecerem a advocacy de seus interesses com a União, além da construção de soluções para os problemas fiscais de forma coletiva. Visando entender a dinâmica federativa, o estudo analisou as tentativas fracassadas de reforma tributária do ICMS - principalmente para a eliminação da guerra fiscal - e a aprovação, em 2013, da nova lei que rege as transferências do FPE, a partir da atuação do Conselho Nacional de Política Fazendária (CONFAZ) e do Congresso Nacional. Essas são arenas selecionadas por serem estratégicos no conjunto da estrutura governamental, sendo o primeiro o órgão criado com o objetivo de harmonização do ICMS diante de um quadro de competitividade entre os estados e de confronto e pouca coordenação do Governo Federal; e o segundo, responsável, principalmente, pela aprovação de leis e pela fiscalização do Estado brasileiro. De forma a iluminar o caso brasileiro e identificar algumas soluções inovadoras foram apresentadas, também, experiências internacionais dos países Estados Unidos da América (EUA), Canadá e Austrália, que já avançaram na instituição de arranjos interestaduais, por meio de Conselhos de Governadores - chefes dos Poderes Executivos estaduais - que promovem políticas de atuação e decisões coletivas para a defesa de seus interesses junto aos governos centrais. Concluiu-se que, em que pesem as tentativas de reforma do ICMS e a reforma do FPE, cuja mudança representativa se dará aproximadamente em 400 anos, as estratégias, as formas de atuação adotadas pelos estados precisam ser revistas e o governo federal precisa resgatar o seu papel de coordenador de politica pública. Além disso o fortalecimento das instituições de advocacy federativa, presentes nas experiências internacionais, podem de forma incremental mudar o caso brasileiro contribuindo para a construção de um federalismo cooperativo e para a melhoria das relações intergovernamentais.

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The Blue Dog Coalition is an informal organization of legislators within the House of Representatives that strives to influence policy on fiscal responsibility, attract the attention of the electorate, They are a group that elicits wide range of reactions covering the length of the political spectrum, but despite this, their claims of special defense of fiscal conservatism within the Democratic Party have gone relatively undocumented by the academic community.This project has integrated a party literature with a caucus literature, in the attempt of building a novel framework for research. Work on polarization, the significance of parties, the purpose and history of caucuses all have been fused in such away that the Blue Dogs have created an opportunity to test broad congressional questions on a caucus-microcosm scale. Three important questions have emerged from the many possible avenues of exploration on the topic: How does admission into the Blue Dog Coalition effect voting behavior - measured by interest, ideology, and party unityscores? How does party leadership delegate prestigious committee assignments, a traditional indicator of partisan favor and influence, towards Blue Dogs? Can we use the Blue Dog Coalition as an indicator of fiscal conservatism? To each of these questions, a number of interesting results emerged. Blue Dogs, in the 104th scored higher in conservative interest group scores, more towards the center in ideological methods, and lower in party unity Dogs began to behave closer to their Democratic counterparts. In addition, membership on these select committees rose from a very small number to greater proportional parity within the Democratic Party. Perhaps most interesting, the Blue Dog Coalition does behave as a significant, independent predictor effect on NTU scores, a variable used to demonstrate fiscal conservatism. This research has shown, first and foremost, that it is useful and practical to applyold arguments within the party literature to a smaller, caucus level of analysis that is relatively untouched by the political science field. For the Blue Dogs, specifically, we have tested the validity of their claims in an attempt to reach broader questions ofdemocratic responsibility and electoral clarity. This work, and other work I have drawn upon, has barely scratched the surface on Blue Dog Democrats and other caucuses of comparable influence and popularity, and there remains a wealth of research material onthis caucus alone to be explored by scholars in the field of congressional politics.