801 resultados para democratic reform
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In this paper I compare the habeas corpus systems of El Salvador, the United States and Argentina. My purpose is to develop a general understanding of the procedure for bringing the writ in each country and analyze the substantive law governing the rights of habeas corpus petitioners in each country. I evaluate the systems against the backdrop of each country’s political and legal history with respect to the writ of habeas corpus. The ultimate aim of this paper is to reform the habeas corpus law of El Salvador by analyzing the Salvadoran system as compared to the Argentine and U.S. systems. I conclude that the Argentine habeas corpus system provides a better model for the Salvadoran system than does the U.S. system. I draw this conclusion because the two countries share common foundations for their legal systems, in addition to common histories of civil war, during which there were numerous disappearances and denial of habeas corpus rights. Moreover, Argentina’s habeas corpus law protects the liberty interest of the detained individual more so than U.S. habeas corpus law. This heightened protection of the right to liberty largely results from the country’s past history of forced disappearances and incommunicado detention. Because El Salvador witnessed similar problems in its past, the Argentine model provides a good model for Salvadoran reform.
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The present study was an attempt to analyze systematically the techniques of monetary control measures with its relevance and changing importance and to find out their effectiveness in the Indian context especially to achieve the thriving objectives of price stability and economic growth.There is definite and remarkable economic impact of monetary policy on Indian economy in the post-reform period. The importance of monetary policy has been increasing year after year. Its role is very relevant in attaining monetary objectives, especially in managing price stability and achieving economic growth. Along that, the use and importance of monetary weapons like Bank rate, CRR, SLR, Repo rate and Reverse Rate have increased over the years. Repo and Reverse Repo rates are the most frequently used monetary techniques in recent years. The rates are varied mainly for curtailing inflation and absorb the excess liquidity and hence to maintain price stability in the economy. Thus, this short-time objective of price stability is more successful on Indian economy rather than other long-term objectives of development.Monetary policy rules can be active or passive. The passive rule is to keep the money supply constant, which is reminiscent of Milton Friedman’s money growth rule. The second, called a price stabilization rule, is to change the money supply in response to changes in aggregate supply or demand to keep the price level constant. The idea of an active rule is to keep the price level and hence inflation in check. In India, this rule dominates our monetary policy. A stable growth is healthy growth.
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This paper is an attempt to analyze bonds and their relevance within the confines of economics. They are discussed as both exogenous and endogenous variables. More specifically, the bonds of democratic politics are compared with those of non-democratic politics. It is argued that only those societies that have at their disposition certain kinds of bonds will be able to sustain democracy. It is further argued that the differential effects of democratic vs. non-democratic regimes on the respective bonds are rather weak. But then again, different kinds of democratic institutions might well have an effect on the prevalent bonds found in a society.
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In the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), pigs are raised almost exclusively by smallholders either in periurban areas of major cities such as Kinshasa or in rural villages. Unfortunately, little information is available regarding pig production in the Western part of the DRC, wherefore a survey was carried out to characterize and compare 319 pig production systems in their management and feeding strategies, along a periurban - rural gradient inWestern provinces of the DRC. Pig breeding was the main source of income (43%) and half of respondents were active in mixed pig and crop production, mainly vegetable garden. Depending on the location, smallholders owned on average 18 pigs, including four sows. Piglet mortality rate varied from 9.5 to 21.8% while average weaned age ranged between 2.2 and 2.8 months. The major causes of mortality reported by the farmers were African swine fever 98 %, swine erysipelas (60 %), erysipelas trypanosomiasis (31 %), swine worm infection (17 %), and diarrhoea (12 %). The majority of the pigs were reared in pens without free roaming and fed essentially with locally available by-products and forage plants whose nature varied according with the location of the farm. The pig production systems depended on the local environment; particularly in terms of workforces, herd structure and characteristics, production parameters, pig building materials, selling price and in feed resources. It can be concluded that an improvement of Congolese pig production systems should consider (1) a reduction of inbreeding, (2) an improvement in biosafety to reduce the incidence of African swine fever and the spread of other diseases, and (3) an improvement in feeding practices.
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Almost all Latin American countries are still marked by extreme forms of social inequality – and to an extent, this seems to be the case regardless of national differences in the economic development model or the strength of democracy and the welfare state. Recent research highlights the fact that the heterogeneous labour markets in the region are a key source of inequality. At the same time, there is a strengthening of ‘exclusive’ social policy, which is located at the fault lines of the labour market and is constantly (re-)producing market-mediated disparities. In the last three decades, this type of social policy has even enjoyed democratic legitimacy. These dynamics challenge many of the assumptions guiding social policy and democratic theory, which often attempt to account for the specificities of the region by highlighting the purported flaws of certain policies. We suggest taking a different perspective: social policy in Latin American should not be grasped as a deficient or flawed type of social policy, but as a very successful relation of political domination. ‘Relational social analysis’ locates social policy in the ‘tension zone’ constituted by the requirements of economic reproduction, demands for democratic legitimacy and the relative autonomy of the state. From this vantage point, we will make the relation of domination in question accessible for empirical research. It seems particularly useful for this purpose to examine the recent shifts in the Latin American labour markets, which have undergone numerous reforms. We will examine which mechanisms, institutions and constellations of actors block or activate the potentials of redistribution inherent in such processes of political reform. This will enable us to explore the socio-political field of forces that has been perpetuating the social inequalities in Latin America for generations.
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Los países que salen de conflictos armados internos deben afrontar el reto de lograr el equilibrio entre los acuerdos para establecer la paz de un lado y la búsqueda de la justicia y la reconciliación de otro. En realidad, los procesos de justicia y reconciliación están bajo la influencia de numerosos factores entre los cuales se cuentan el impacto del conflicto, los recursos disponibles, el grado de voluntad política, la capacidad institucional, las normas legales, entre otros. En este contexto, la justicia transicional, la reparación, las reformas institucionales, la cooperación con la comunidad internacional y la búsqueda de una paz sostenible son temas importantes. Esta monografía se centra en el dilema entre el derecho de las víctimas a la justicia y el derecho a vivir en paz en un régimen democrático con base en el proceso que adelanta el Gobierno con grupos paramilitares.
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El continente africano ha sido por excelencia analizado por los estudios de seguridad, con el fin de comprender la naturaleza de los conflictos que han tenido lugar en el territorio y poder ofrecer a través de diversas estrategias, posibles soluciones para el no retorno al conflicto por parte de los grupos armados. Por esta razón, a partir de la década de los noventa surge la puesta en marcha de programas y reformas como la Desmovilización, el Desarme y la Reintegración (DDR) dentro de una Reforma al Sector de la Seguridad (RSS). En el caso de la República Democrática del Congo, luego de numerosos conflictos e intervenciones por parte de diferentes actores, se plantea llevar a cabo un programa de DDR en el marco de una RSS especialmente dirigido a las Fuerzas Armadas. En este sentido, esta monografía analiza la incidencia de la RSS sobre el programa de DDR, con el fin de vislumbrar los retos que se presentan dentro de un contexto de conflicto complejo como el de la RDC.
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El propósito de este trabajo es demostrar el análisis de los movimientos islamistas en Egipto, en este caso la Hermandad Musulmana. Para esto nos enfocaremos en una primera parte a estudiar el origen de la Hermandad musulmana, debatiremos si existe una carta fundacional o un programa político, incluso analizaremos el intento de formalizar un programa político durante la presidencia de Hosni Mubarak y la Hermandad contemporánea. En la segunda parte, será primordial el estudio de la reforma política de 2007 en Egipto, estudiaremos la posición de la reforma desde el punto de vista del Partido Nacional Democrático (PND), de Hosni Mubarak, de la Hermandad Musulmana, de los partidos políticos de oposición y de la comunidad internacional. Finalmente abordaremos las estrategias políticas de la Hermandad Musulmana durante el gobierno de Hosni Mubarak, luego estudiaremos las estrategias políticas implementadas por el Presidente Mubarak y analizaremos las relaciones entre la Hermandad Musulmana y Hosni Mubarak durante la presidencia.
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Estado del arte que recopila pronunciamientos de diversos autores sobre el papel de la Organización de Naciones Unidas, específicamente la Misión MINUGUA, en el proceso de reconstrucción posconflicto en Guatemala comprendido entre el año 1994 y 2004. Se basa en algunas dimensiones de la democratización como son el Estado de Derecho, la democracia representativa, la preeminencia del poder civil, y el fortalecimiento de la cultura democrática. Así mismo, tiene en cuenta los elementos de la justicia transicional, a saber: verdad, justicia y reparación.
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El propósito de la presente monografía es evaluar el papel de las ONG internacionales en la apertura de espacios de participación política para la sociedad civil en Egipto. En ese sentido, se analiza el contexto de oportunidades políticas locales y transnacionales del país, así como los procesos de articulación entre la política local e internacional a través de los niveles de integración entre sus actores. Mediante una investigación de tipo cualitativa basada en los desarrollos sobre teorías de la acción colectiva planteados por Sidney Tarrow, Charles Tilly, Robert Benford y David Snow, y las teorías sobre redes transnacionales de defensa desarrolladas por Margaret Keck y Kathryn Sikkink, se avanza hacia la identificación del desarrollo de procesos de externalización como medio para el fortalecimiento de organizaciones locales como alternativa de oposición política.
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