853 resultados para Women and language in transition


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The sudden independence of Kyrgyzstan from the Soviet Union in 1991 led to a total rupture of industrial and agricultural production. Based on empirical data, this study seeks to identify key land use transformation processes since the late 1980s, their impact on people's livelihoods and the implication for natural resources in the communes of Tosh Bulak and Saz, located in the Sokuluk River Basin on the northern slope of the Kyrgyz Range. Using the concept of the sustainable livelihood approach as an analytical framework, three different livelihood strategies were identified: (1) An accumulation strategy applied by wealthy households where renting and/or buying of land is a key element; they are the only household category capable of venturing into rain fed agriculture. (2) A preserving strategy involving mainly intermediate households who are not able to buy or rent additional agricultural land; very often they are forced to return their land to the commune or sell it to wealthier households. (3) A coping strategy including mainly poor households consisting of elderly pensioners or headed by single mothers; due to their limited labour and economic power, agricultural production is very low and hardly covers subsistence needs; pensions and social allowances form the backbone of these livelihoods. Ecological assessments have shown that the forage productivity of remote high mountain pastures has increased from 5 to 22 per cent since 1978. At the same time forage productivity on pre-mountain and mountain pastures close to villages has generally decreased from 1 to 34 per cent. It seems that the main avenues for livelihoods to increase their wealth are to be found in the agricultural sector by controlling more and mainly irrigated land as well as by increasing livestock. The losers in this process are thus those households unable to keep or exploit their arable land or to benefit from new agricultural land. Ensuring access to land for the poor is therefore imperative in order to combat rural poverty and socio-economic disparities in rural Kyrgyzstan.

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OBJECTIVE: To determine differences between hypermobile subjects and controls in terms of maximum strength, rate of force development, and balance. METHODS: We recruited 13 subjects with hypermobility and 18 controls. Rate of force development and maximal voluntary contraction (MVC) during single leg knee extension of the right knee were measured isometrically for each subject. Balance was tested twice on a force plate with 15-second single-leg stands on the right leg. Rate of force development (N/second) and MVC (N) were extracted from the force-time curve as maximal rate of force development (= limit Deltaforce/Deltatime) and the absolute maximal value, respectively. RESULTS: The hypermobile subjects showed a significantly higher value for rate of force development (15.2% higher; P = 0.038, P = 0.453, epsilon = 0.693) and rate of force development related to body weight (16.4% higher; P = 0.018, P = 0.601, epsilon = 0.834) than the controls. The groups did not differ significantly in MVC (P = 0.767, P = 0.136, epsilon = 0.065), and MVC related to body weight varied randomly between the groups (P = 0.921, P = 0.050, epsilon = 0.000). In balance testing, the mediolateral sway of the hypermobile subjects showed significantly higher values (11.6% higher; P = 0.034, P = 0.050, epsilon = 0.000) than that of controls, but there was no significant difference (4.9% difference; P = 0.953, P = 0.050, epsilon = 0.000) in anteroposterior sway between the 2 groups. CONCLUSION: Hypermobile women without acute symptoms or limitations in activities of daily life have a higher rate of force development in the knee extensors and a higher mediolateral sway than controls with normal joint mobility.

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The writing and defense of the dissertation serve both as demonstration one is able to do the work of a scholar and as a rite of initiation. In contrast to much academic writing, dissertations generally adhere to narrowly conceived notions of academic discourse. I explore this within the context of an academic community in which under-representation remains a serious issue. This dissertation is about women writing dissertations. I draw from conversations with fifteen women, in or beyond, the process; friends’ anecdotes; published accounts; and, autobiographically, my experience. I suggest the dissertation’s initiatory role is at least as important as its scholarly role; during the process one establishes a sense of self as scholar, writer, and researcher. Students come to the dissertation with some notion of self as writer and scholar – a culturally negotiated sense that is more, or less, congruent with the culturally established self required for successful completion of the dissertation. The degree of congruence (or alternatively, harmony and dissonance) shapes the process of doing a dissertation. I argue that both the community and the language in which dissertations must generally be written are gendered masculine. Negotiating a voice that is acceptable in a dissertation while maintain fidelity to a sense of who one is seems more problematic as one’s distance from the center of dominant culture increases. Believing that agency lies in altering the reiteration of such processes, I worked with my committee to find ways to alter the process yet still do a dissertation I write in a variety of voices – essay and poetry as well as analytical – play with visual qualities of text, and experiment with non-verbal interpretations. These don’t exhaust possibilities, but do give a sense of how the rich variety of expression found in academe cam be brought into the dissertation. I thus demonstrate that one need not reconstitute herself through characteristic academic discourse in order to be initiated into the community of scholars. I suggest both the desirability of encouraging flexibility in the language, form, and process, of dissertations, and the theoretical necessity for such flexibility if the academic community is to become diverse. The writing and defense of the dissertation serve both as demonstration one is able to do the work of a scholar and as a rite of initiation. In contrast to much academic writing, dissertations generally adhere to narrowly conceived notions of academic discourse. I explore this within the context of an academic community in which under-representation remains a serious issue. This dissertation is about women writing dissertations. I draw from conversations with fifteen women, in or beyond, the process; friends’ anecdotes; published accounts; and, autobiographically, my experience. I suggest the dissertation’s initiatory role is at least as important as its scholarly role; during the process one establishes a sense of self as scholar, writer, and researcher Students come to the dissertation with some notion of self as writer and scholar – a culturally negotiated sense that is more, or less, congruent with the culturally established self required for successful completion of the dissertation. The degree of congruence (or alternatively, harmony and dissonance) shapes the process of doing a dissertation. I argue that both the community and the language in which dissertations must generally be written are gendered masculine. Negotiating a voice that is acceptable in a dissertation while maintain fidelity to a sense of who one is seems more problematic as one’s distance from the center of dominant culture increases. Believing that agency lies in altering the reiteration of such processes, I worked with my committee to find ways to alter the process yet still do a dissertation I write in a variety of voices – essay and poetry as well as analytical – play with visual qualities of text, and experiment with non-verbal interpretations. These don’t exhaust possibilities, but do give a sense of how the rich variety of expression found in academe cam be brought into the dissertation. I thus demonstrate that one need not reconstitute herself through characteristic academic discourse in order to be initiated into the community of scholars. I suggest both the desirability of encouraging flexibility in the language, form, and process, of dissertations, and the theoretical necessity for such flexibility if the academic community is to become diverse. The writing and defense of the dissertation serve both as demonstration one is able to do the work of a scholar and as a rite of initiation. In contrast to much academic writing, dissertations generally adhere to narrowly conceived notions of academic discourse. I explore this within the context of an academic community in which under-representation remains a serious issue. This dissertation is about women writing dissertations. I draw from conversations with fifteen women, in or beyond, the process; friends’ anecdotes; published accounts; and, autobiographically, my experience. I suggest the dissertation’s initiatory role is at least as important as its scholarly role; during the process one establishes a sense of self as scholar, writer, and researcher Students come to the dissertation with some notion of self as writer and scholar – a culturally negotiated sense that is more, or less, congruent with the culturally established self required for successful completion of the dissertation. The degree of congruence (or alternatively, harmony and dissonance) shapes the process of doing a dissertation. I argue that both the community and the language in which dissertations must generally be written are gendered masculine. Negotiating a voice that is acceptable in a dissertation while maintain fidelity to a sense of who one is seems more problematic as one’s distance from the center of dominant culture increases. Believing that agency lies in altering the reiteration of such processes, I worked with my committee to find ways to alter the process yet still do a dissertation I write in a variety of voices – essay and poetry as well as analytical – play with visual qualities of text, and experiment with non-verbal interpretations. These don’t exhaust possibilities, but do give a sense of how the rich variety of expression found in academe cam be brought into the dissertation. I thus demonstrate that one need not reconstitute herself through characteristic academic discourse in order to be initiated into the community of scholars. I suggest both the desirability of encouraging flexibility in the language, form, and process, of dissertations, and the theoretical necessity for such flexibility if the academic community is to become diverse. The writing and defense of the dissertation serve both as demonstration one is able to do the work of a scholar and as a rite of initiation. In contrast to much academic writing, dissertations generally adhere to narrowly conceived notions of academic discourse. I explore this within the context of an academic community in which under-representation remains a serious issue. This dissertation is about women writing dissertations. I draw from conversations with fifteen women, in or beyond, the process; friends’ anecdotes; published accounts; and, autobiographically, my experience. I suggest the dissertation’s initiatory role is at least as important as its scholarly role; during the process one establishes a sense of self as scholar, writer, and researcher Students come to the dissertation with some notion of self as writer and scholar – a culturally negotiated sense that is more, or less, congruent with the culturally established self required for successful completion of the dissertation. The degree of congruence (or alternatively, harmony and dissonance) shapes the process of doing a dissertation. I argue that both the community and the language in which dissertations must generally be written are gendered masculine. Negotiating a voice that is acceptable in a dissertation while maintain fidelity to a sense of who one is seems more problematic as one’s distance from the center of dominant culture increases. Believing that agency lies in altering the reiteration of such processes, I worked with my committee to find ways to alter the process yet still do a dissertation I write in a variety of voices – essay and poetry as well as analytical – play with visual qualities of text, and experiment with non-verbal interpretations. These don’t exhaust possibilities, but do give a sense of how the rich variety of expression found in academe cam be brought into the dissertation. I thus demonstrate that one need not reconstitute herself through characteristic academic discourse in order to be initiated into the community of scholars. I suggest both the desirability of encouraging flexibility in the language, form, and process, of dissertations, and the theoretical necessity for such flexibility if the academic community is to become diverse.

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While studies from other countries have shown an excess mortality in diabetic individuals when compared with the general population, comparable long-term data is not available for Switzerland.

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This paper investigates language attitudes among ethnic migrant groups in Khartoum, the capital city of Sudan. A questionnaire was used to collect data on language preference, language parents prefer their children to learn, and reasons for language preference. Results suggest that while positive attitude played a significant role in learning Arabic among some of the groups under investigation, it proved to be of no help in maintaining the groups’ ethnic languages. Arabic was reported as very important for education, religious activities, economic privileges and social interaction. Ethnic languages, on the other hand, were preferred for purely symbolic reasons (symbolizing groups’ ethnic identity).

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The transition of political power in former Yugoslavia and the wars that followed have led to the country's reassessment of the proper role of women in society, culture, nation, and family. Advocates of a new vision of nationalist womanhood assert that the continued existence of the entire country depends solely on women carrying out their reproductive and nurturing roles. This new envisioning clearly serves a political purpose, solely at the expense of the women's movement that has made significant strides in this nation. It is the purpose of this article to provide a brief historical overview of the development of the new idealized "mother of the nation" from a strengths-based social work perspective.

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The aim of this study was to estimate the hospitalization incidence and the total number of hospital days related to all fractures and osteoporotic fractures in the year 2000 in Switzerland and to compare these with data from other frequent disorders in men and women. The official administrative and medical statistics database of the Swiss Federal Office of Statistics (SFOS) from the year 2000 was used. It covered 81.2% of all registered patient admissions and was considered to be representative of the entire population. We included the ICD-10 codes of 84 diagnoses that were compatible with an underlying osteoporosis and applied the best matching age-specific osteoporosis attribution rates published for the ICD-9 diagnosis codes to the individual ICD-10 codes. To preserve comparability with previously published data from 1992, we grouped the data related to the ICD-10 fracture codes into seven diagnosis pools (fractures of the axial skeleton, fractures of the proximal upper limbs, fractures of the distal upper limbs, fractures of the proximal lower limbs, fractures of the distal lower limbs, multiple fractures, and osteoporosis) and analyzed them separately for women and men by age group. Incidences of hospitalization due to fractures were calculated, and the direct medical costs related to hospitalization were estimated. In addition, we compared the results with those from chronic pulmonary obstructive disease (COPD), stroke, acute myocardial infarction, heart failure, diabetes and breast carcinoma from the same database. In Switzerland during 2000, 62,535 hospitalizations for fractures (35,586 women and 26,949 men) were registered. Fifty-one percent of all fractures in women and 24% in men were considered as osteoporotic. The overall incidences of hospitalization due to fractures were 969 and 768 per 100,000 in women and men, respectively. The hospitalization incidences for fractures of the proximal lower limbs and the axial skeleton increased exponentially after the age of 65 years. The direct medical cost of hospitalization of patients with osteoporosis and/or related fractures was 357 million CHF. Hip fractures accounted for approximately half of these costs in women and men. Among other common diseases in women and men, osteoporosis ranked number 1 in women and number 2 (behind COPD) in men. When compared with data from 1992, the average length of stay had shortened by 8.4 days for women and 4.7 days for men, leading to a decrease of almost 40% in direct medical costs related to acute hospitalizations. This apparent decrease in cost might result from a shift into the ambulatory cost segment, for which the assessment and management tools need to be developed. We conclude that, in 2000, osteoporosis continued to be a heavy burden on the Swiss healthcare system. Lack of awareness of the disease and its consequences prevents widespread use of drugs with anti-fracture efficacy. This limits their potential to reduce costs.

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To assess the effect of age and disease on mineral distribution at the distal third of the tibia, bone mineral content (BMC) and bone mineral density (BMD) were measured at lumbar spine (spine), femoral neck (neck), and diaphysis (Dia) and distal epiphysis (Epi) of the tibia in 89 healthy control women of different age groups (20-29, n = 12; 30-39, n = 11; 40-44, n = 12; 45-49, n = 12; 50-54, n = 12; 55-59, n = 10; 60-69, n = 11; 70-79, n = 9), in 25 women with untreated vertebral osteoporosis (VOP), and in 19 women with primary hyperparathyroidism (PHPT) using dual-energy x-ray absorptiometry (DXA; Hologic QDR 1000 and standard spine software). A soft tissue simulator was used to compensate for heterogeneity of soft tissue thickness around the leg. Tibia was scanned over a length of 130 mm from the ankle joint, fibula being excluded from analysis. For BMC and BMD, 10 sections 13 mm each were analyzed separately and then pooled to define the epiphysis (Epi 13-52 mm) and diaphysis area (Dia 91-130 mm). Precision after repositioning was 1.9 and 2.1% for Epi and Dia, respectively. In the control group, at any site there was no significant difference between age groups 20-29 and 30-39, which thus were pooled to define the peak bone mass (PBM).(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)