Os conselhos como mecanismos de democratização da política educacional :participação e poder de decisão nas ações do Conselho de Controle Social do FUNDEF no município de Parnamirim/RN

This study board the FUNDEF social control council implementation in Parnamirim/RN city, concerning their representatives participation in the accompaniment (decision power) in resort, in front of governmental politics of decentralization, unleashed in 90´s, seen in decentralization process needs the society participation in decisions of educative institutions and represent an efficient way of solve the problems difficult the educational management actions. For this, the council creation of Brazil manager configure, since the 80´s, detaching, and the single characterizing, in actual context. The objective is raise pertinent questions of thematic of representatives members participation of collegiate organs, evidencing the decision power of these, in public resource control. The theory-methodological referential the literature treat the participation and power decision of FUNDEF social control decision, such as politics directrix that rules this council. It utilizes as proceeding of collecting data the semi-structured interview and analyze of meeting register to understand the empirics of council implantation in this city, in view of that the electoral process configured in 2003, showed as a innovation, because the counselor is indicated by the local public power representatives (in this case the education municipal secretary). The research result show the representatives have difficult, to accompany the FUNDEF resources amount, particularly in concern in the financial resources (ratio) over plus. Finally, emphasize the importance of democratization in the relations between the state and civil society, elucidating and exciting reflections a: democratic participation in control of public recourses for education, educational management and civil society mobilization in access of public and cultural cash which the citizen has rights

Os rostos da pobreza brasileira: análise crítica dos discursos do governo federal, da Veja e da Cufa

Brazilian constitution says that all Brazilians have basic survival rights such as education, sanitation and food, but these basic rights are luxury for some. So, thinking about this, this paper aims to develop a critical analysis about the (re)production of the discourse on poverty, and consequently on the poor, given by the federal government, through the official website of the program Brazil Without Poverty (Brasil Sem Pobreza), the media, represented by Veja magazine, and by those who affirm to be representatives of the poor; like the Single Central Slums (Central Única das Favelas CUFA). Our aim is to present a critical reflection on the discourses about the poverty in the voices of the government, Veja magazine (media representative) and CUFA (poor representative) and their contribution to the development of the meanings of the theme in Brazilian society. In order to do so, we have identified categories based upon Bajoit (2006a) to classify which the author calls faces of poverty . We have used the Sociological and Communicational Discourse Approach (ASCD) as developed by Pedrosa (2012a, 2012b, 2012c), within the Critical Discourse Analysis as theoretical apparatus, and also the studies in which the ASCD is built upon such as Sociology for Social Change (BAJOIT, 2006), the Cultural Studies (HALL, 2005), and the Functional Systemic Linguistic, especially the Evaluating System (MARTHIN & WHITE, 2005, VIAN JR et al, 2011). Thus, the discourse on poverty or on fighting poverty, extracted from news, chronicles and other genres of the mentioned vehicles, are taken as object of study to understand identities that are created and renewed on poverty and on the Brazilian poor, as their dependence on the government and civil society, their exploitation by the economy, and even the media that sometimes features them as delinquent

A Produção do Flagelo : a re-produção do espaço social da seca na cidade de Mossoró (1877-1903-1915)

The great droughts re- produced spaces in the city of Mossoró / RN in the end of the nineteenth century to the beginning of the twentieth century. Its dimension exceeds the climatic effects becoming social locus when advances over the political and economic sectors, social and cultural of the North / Northeast Brazilian societies during that period. This way, analyzing the re-production of social space in episodes of Mossoró‟s droughts is our toil. So try to reveal each segment, route and aspect of production of space in its size and interface between the perceived, conceived and lived, and subjects related to it - refugees, population and authorities - during the droughts of 1877, 1903 and 1915 within Mossoró city. Therefore, issues such as the constitution and representation of the city and social space in the terrifying experience of the drought of 1877, the production of fixed objects and flows of the urban web through of migrant labor, attempts to control, discipline and spatial planning and ways to resistance to these charges in daily sphere are key issues addressed in this work. For this we use diverse sources as minutes of the city council, reports from provincial presidents, media, memory books and others that sustain us in building our narrative and problematic. This way, the spatial production of Mossoró‟s droughts reveals itself in the field of relations and political-economic transformations and sociocultural, inextricably, that shapes and mobilizes your own social space

As pessoas com deficiência no mercado de trabalho: expressão das desigualdades sociais

This work was developed in the extent of the Post Graduation Program in Social Service of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Norte. It talks about the process of inclusion of the disabled people in the Job market in Mossoró-RN, bringing for the academic debate relevant thematic for the Brazilian society, for the profession of Social Service and similar areas and for the people with deficiency. It has the objective to apprehend the determiners that make possible the process of the disabled people's inclusion in the Job market in Mossoró, having as parameter the National Politics for the Integration of People Bearers of Deficiency. The critical theoretical perspective is backed in Marx's ideas for the understanding concerning the work, as well as in Pochamann, concerning the job market, regarding the exclusion/inclusion category is based in Martins, Yasbek and Sposati and on deficiency in the National Politics for the Integration of the Disabled People. The research is of qualitative nature and it took as subjects 26 (twenty-six) people, being 09 (nine) people with deficiency, inserted in the formal job and regulated market, and 17 (seventeen) managers of private companies and public institutions of the city of Mossoró-RN. For the collection of data we used techniques of nonsystemic observation, semi-structured interview and documental analysis. The results of the research mark that any modality of the human workforce used in the current context, they are functional to the capitalism and they move forward towards exploration, alienation and subordination of the work to the capital; the National Politics for the Integration of the People with Deficiency expresses and reproduces the contradictory dynamics of the class society, it reflects the neo liberal shades through the selectivity and of the articulation among the federated beings and organizations of the civil society for its operational system; there is a misproportion between the percentages of the quotas and the amount of people with deficiency inserted in the job market, just corresponding to a tiny numeric magnitude; the developed activities are of low social status and it is expressive the amount of workers that receives between one and two minimum wages. These data drive us to infer that the mentioned politics make possible, partly, the inclusion of the disabled people in the job market, though, such inclusion is executed in the selective or focused dimensions, marginal, precarious and unstable

As organizações não-governamentais (ONGs) de atenção à criança e ao adolescente em Natal/RN: contribuição na garantia de direitos?

In contemporaneousness watches in Brazil the emergence of a "new" relationship between State and society based on partnership, which will allow the growing playacting organizations "non-profit" and "public interest" in the management of social public policies. In that sense, as part of a logic of global restructuring of the Capital, under the aegis of the neoliberal project, starting from the years of 1990, an administration model is had in favor of the market that looks for to minimize the actions of the State, reinforcing the outsourcing of the social public politics, and consequently, debilitating rights legally conquered. In that way, with this study it was pursued as general objective to apprehend the actions developed by Non-governmental Organizations NGOs in the child's area and of the adolescent in Natal / RN, verifying in that measured, these contribute to the warranty of rights or they reproduce practices of welfare work, and as specific objectives: to identify the group of the actions developed by NGOs in the child's area and of the adolescent in Natal / RN; to analyze the practice of NGOs of the point of view of the human resources, of the administration, of the financing, of the user's participation in the decision processes, as well as the quality of the services and the continuity of the actions of these organizations; and to apprehend the relationship between the researched organizations and users in the process of implantation of the actions, in order to identify the perspective that guide the practice of NGOs is going in the direction of contributing in the warranty of rights or in the reinforcement to the welfare work. In summary the results showed two trends in the actions of the NGOs, in the direction of the provision of services, which still unfurls in two perspectives of handouts. The other trend will give priority to the defense of rights of children and adolescents, with actions of political impact strengthen the promotion of public policies state, thus contributing to guarantee rights

Ofensiva do Capital e Desmobilização das Forças do Trabalho: As Estratégias Gerenciais Burguesas para a Desarticulação das Classes Trabalhadoras

The problematic that gives shape to this research is the question of the historical process of demobilization of the movement of the working classes in your accented contemporary moment. Their object of study, however, and that it particularizes, it relates to a portion this problematic; it relates to set of determinations that comprise a broader set of determinations of this historical process: it is a set of determinations forged and mediated by bourgeois strategies of management for the conformation of the circumstances necessary for the domination and for the conduct of labor force on operations in work processes for the production of surplus value. What we investigated are, because, the strategies of disarticulation that the bourgeoisie utilizes, under the mantle of subsidies conceptual and interventive of its management of work processes and the sieve of class struggles, to obstruct the union of workers; hamper the movements proletarians. Managerial strategies that intentionally or unintentionally, instill in the social relations of production means to produce and reproduce, activate and reactivate conditions of incitement of individualism and competition between the workers themselves. We shall see, thus, by analyzing means, centrally, from some of the fundamentals of disarticulation in the managerial strategies bourgeois and some of the fundamental strategies of management bourgeois hegemonized with the restructuring productive of 1970, that the disarticulation, and also the demobilization, is a concrete condition, is an objective condition, that is beyond a question that can be "solved" only by enlightenment cognitive, only by formation criticism intellectual. In everyday of the work spaces permeated by managerial strategies bourgeois there elements, then, operating as a material force putting difficulties important for the articulation of the workers, the solidarity of the proletariat; elements that constitute obstacle significant to an awareness of class and belonging; elements act in favor of the atomization of the worker - even if engenders, in the same process, as a contradiction, potentiality of resistance and fight the forces of labor

A relação entre o microcrédito e o capital social : o caso do CEAPE PI

This study consists of a study on the presence of relationship between social capital and solidarity groups to endorse the Center for Support to Small Businesses - CEAPE - PI, the capital was measured by confidence levels and associations, considering trust as the expectations want, and learned associations between people and how the interactions among members within a group and between groups. The central research question seeks to identify whether there are linkages between the levels of social capital and the profile of members of the solidarity group CEAPE-PI. The overall objective is to analyze the level of social capital and whether these vary with the change in the profile of the solidarity group members. The method adopted in perspective cross-examined the level of social capital found in 300 of solidarity group members, collected through a survey research related to the profile of the solidarity group members, obtained with the CEAPEPI. The data show that micro-credit groups have relatively high levels for most variables, but to relate to the profile of microcredit results demonstrate the interesting points of analysis

Sociedade civil, entre o político-estatal e o universo gerencial

Cet article est fondé sur le concept de société civile développé par le marxiste Antonio Gramsci et propose un dialogue critique avec les autres idées de la société civile qui, de nos jours, cherchent à s'affirmer dans le panorama politique et culturel. Nous nous fondons sur le fait d'être passé, au cours des dernières décennies, d'une idée de société civile prioritairement politique-publique, scène de luttes démocratiques et de nouvelles hégémonies, vers une image qui transforme la société civile soit en ressource de gestion ­ un arrangement de la société destiné à rendre possible différents genres spécifiques de politiques publiques ­ soit en un facteur de reconstruction étique et dialogique de la vie sociale. L'incorporation de l'idée de participation au langage de planification a déplacé la société civile de son champs principal (celui de l'organisation de nouvelles hégémonies) vers un espace de coopération et de gestion de la crise. Par ailleurs, l'expansion de l'activisme social, dans un cadre de crise politique de l'État et de la démocratie représentative a poussé vers la recherche d'une autre «place» à partir de laquelle il serait possible d'établir et de répandre de nouvelles postulations éthiques et de nouvelles procédures collectives. D'une phase où le marxisme était prépondérant et laissait sa marque, nous sommes entrés dans une phase dans laquelle la perspective libérale, affirmée de façon orthodoxe ou nuancée, prévaut et opère comme principale référence.

A territorial perspective: towards the consolidation of human settlements in Latin America and the Caribbean

Includes bibliography

La responsabilidad social empresaria: ¿sólo un discurso?

Incluye Bibliografía

Marginality and social integration in Uruguay

Includes bibliography

Associational life and local development in two Nicaraguan villages

Includes bibliography

Investing better in order to invest more. Finance and management of education in Latin America and the Caribbean

Includes bibliography

Desenvolvimento regional e capital social: uma abordagem para a microrregião de Presidente Prudente - SP

Pós-graduação em Geografia - FCT

El TLC Centroamérica-Estados Unidos: elementos de debate de gremios y sociedad civil en Costa Rica

Incluye Bibliografía