616 resultados para Terror


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El artículo analiza un ámbito de la participación de los indígenas en la coyuntura de quiebre del régimen monárquico producida en Quito ante las noticias de la invasión napoleónica y la abdicación del trono español en favor de José Bonaparte. El trabajo investiga si los indígenas de Quito fueron fundamentalmente indiferentes ante la proclamación de autonomía de la primera junta quiteña en 1809 o si tuvieron alguna propuesta específica durante el período de mayor convulsión y movilización entre 1810 y 1812. De otro lado, explora las actitudes de la élite y la plebe en el período. El trabajo pone atención en el ambiente de temor que la movilización popular suscitó luego de los abusos y la cruenta represión cometidas por las tropas limeñas acantonadas en Quito, en 1810.

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El presente ensayo es un trabajo de la memoria social sobre el movimiento Alfaro Vive Carajo (AVC) que trascendió durante la década de los 80 en la escena política nacional a partir de acciones armadas poco o nada usuales. El documento reflexiona sobre el olvido intencionado que se ha hecho, tanto desde la historiografía como desde el estudio de la política del país, respecto a este actor social. Al recordarlo, se contextualiza el panorama de las insurgencias en América Latina y el Ecuador, lo que deja ver su protagonismo e incidencia en el presente, ya que el AVC construyó una identidad que se irradia en diversos escenarios, incluso en el de sus oponentes más visibles, como el del Partido Social Cristiano, pues fue durante el gobierno de León Febres Cordero, su máximo líder hasta hoy, que se instauró una política de terror desde el Estado para controlar a la oposición, a nombre de “combatir a la subversión”. Este aspecto, influyó en lo que posteriormente sería la emergencia indígena en el Ecuador, específicamente, porque aquel escenario canalizó un ambiente social dispuesto al diálogo entre la sociedad civil y el Estado. La transición que vivió el país durante la década de los 80 hace del AVC un actor político que incidió en el protagonismo de los movimientos sociales con un interés democrático, antes que de lucha de clases, como el movimiento de mujeres, de derechos humanos e indígena. No se trata de un antecedente cronológico que evolucionó de una forma a otra, sino de un referente que de manera paralela y desde diferentes políticas se cruzaron. El ensayo además introduce reflexiones relacionadas a la manera de narrar la memoria colectiva, ya que hace del testimonio la voz del documento, es decir, resalta la subjetividad de quien relata, no sólo por la proximidad con la experiencia referida, sino también por su agenda política implícita. Es una voz que camina en los trayectos paralelos de la ficción que transforma en lenguaje aspectos, cualidades y valores de la realidad que la ciencia describe, argumenta y demuestra. Por otro lado, el hablar del pasado se lo hace desde la cárcel, porque fue allí donde se develaron, en parte, las identidades clandestinas de los “subversivos”. La cárcel interpeló de forma imperativa y esto permitió poner al descubierto la manera de actuar de la organización clandestina, sobre todo, de ciertos liderazgos que se configuraron y dieron a conocer sus mejores performatividades. Trabajo de la memoria colectiva que deja abierto la articulación de otras voces.

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Esta investigación pretende examinar cómo se construye mediaticamente al colombiano a partir del discurso que maneja la prensa y a través de ella, algunos grupos visibles dentro de la agenda mediática, en una época marcada por los flujos migratorios a nivel latinoamericano, por una creciente percepción de violencia e inseguridad urbana e indudablemente por aquello que algunos han dado en llamar la estética del terror. Es así que este trabajo se interesa por identificar las nociones predominantes en el discurso periodístico con relación a esta minoría, nociones que son determinadas desde la visibilidad mediática, ejercen un tipo de influencia sobre los grupos y crean predisposiciones que llevan a legitimar el comportamiento de las personas.

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La presente tesis aborda el tema de las bestias urbanas o monstruos urbanos, seres míticos que deambulan en los imaginarios de la urbe, llámense asesinos, ladrones, asaltantes, pandilleros, prostitutas, travestíes u homosexuales. Sus cuerpos anómalos y deformes asemejan a las grandes fauces de cerbero, su malicia es tan grande como el más endemoniado de los animales de la tierra y sus gritos harían estallar los tímpanos de Odiseo. De esa zoología monstruosa surge el rostro de Juan Fernando Hermosa, el “niño del terror”, quien atemorizó a la población ecuatoriana con los asesinatos de taxistas cometidos en diciembre de 1991. Bestias, Hidras y Cancerberos: los mundos recorridos por Hermosa, es un intento de descubrir la ciudad y sus delitos, la cultura del silencio y del terror, lo cual para la mayoría de nosotros, incluyéndome a mí, es conocido solo mediante la palabra de otros. Voces que fueron silenciadas ganan un espacio en esta narración, son múltiples alaridos que hablan desde el terror y el miedo. La famosa banda del terror devela el enmarañado mundo de los poderes: militar, policial y judicial. ¿Quién es este monstruo, esta bestia, esta hidra ? ¿Quién es realmente Hermosa? ¿Cuáles son los crímenes que cometió y cuáles no? Tal vez nunca se podrá desentrañar totalmente su historia, lo cierto es que el mito de Hermosa está vivo en las calles, hay quienes gritan en los callejones de Quito, “esclarezcan los crímenes”, hay ronquidos de ultratumba que cuentan una y otra vez la versión de los once taxistas asesinados a fines del año 91. Esas voces pululan en mi tesis, develando lo que hay oculto en la cultura del terror.

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This paper evaluates the US’ perception of and response to al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) operating in Yemen. It evaluates the empirical evidence on which the present understanding of the group is based, the implications of the socio-political context in which it operates, and the uneasy position of the Yemeni government in the war against terror as it has been affected by US policy from the early 1990s to the present. In the contested Yemeni state, AQAP is competing for political legitimacy and is increasingly dependent on public support. The US’ kill-or-capture response, the “on-off” nature of its support that has made Yemen vulnerable to the influence of al-Qaeda in the past, and the actions of the Yemeni government itself, which depends on the continued existence of the threat to secure financial support vital for political survival, means that none of the measures being taken has the potential to defeat AQAP.

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This book is highly topical considering the recent resurgence of violence by the PKK, the incursions into Northern Iraq by the Turkish army and security forces and Turkey’s EU accession negotiations. Turkey has become an increasingly important player in Middle Eastern geopolitics. More than two decades of serious conflict in Turkey are proving to be a barrier to improved relations between Turkey and the EU. This book is the first study to address fully the legal and political dimensions of the conflict, and their impact on mechanisms for conflict resolution in the region, offering a scholarly exploration of a debate that is often politically and emotionally highly charged. Kerim Yildiz and Susan Breau look at the practical application of the law of armed conflicts to the ongoing situation in Turkey and Northern Iraq. The application of the law in this region also means addressing larger questions in international law, global politics and conflict resolution. Examples include belligerency in international law, whether the ‘war on terror’ has resulted in changes to the law of armed conflict and terrorism and conflict resolution. The Kurdish Conflict explores the practical possibilities of conflict resolution in the region, examining the political dynamics of the region, and suggesting where lessons can be drawn from other peace processes, such as in Northern Ireland. This book will be of great value to policy-makers, regional experts, and others interested in international humanitarian law and conflict resolution.

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Terrorism can strengthen or weaken electoral support for ruling governments. We show in a simple model of coalition formation that, regardless of the direction of a public opinion shock, the impact of terrorism on cabinet duration is ambiguous. However, in an analysis of a data set including 2,400 cabinets in over 150 countries in the period 1970–2002, we find that terrorism, on average, shortens cabinet duration. This result is robust for a range of alternative terror measures and is present in both democratic as well as autocratic political regimes.

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What are the main causes of international terrorism? Despite the meticulous examination of various candidate explanations, existing estimates still diverge in sign, size, and significance. This article puts forward a novel explanation and supporting evidence. We argue that domestic political instability provides the learning environment needed to successfully execute international terror attacks. Using a yearly panel of 123 countries over 1973–2003, we find that the occurrence of civil wars increases fatalities and the number of international terrorist acts by 45%. These results hold for alternative indicators of political instability, estimators, subsamples, subperiods, and accounting for competing explanations.

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We examine the relationship between terrorism and electoral accountability. We find that terror has a robust positive effect on the probability that the incumbent government is replaced. The magnitude of the effect increases with the severity of the terrorist attack.

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Can 'constructive engagement' provide a bridge between the pursuit of national interest and concern for human rights? This book explores the experience of Chester Crocker, Reagan's Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, and his policy of 'constructive engagement' with Pretoria during apartheid. It is argued that the policy was, in part, a Cold War-driven attempt to maintain strategically important ties with the South African government, and it explores the repercussions of this. The book also explores the linkage of Namibian independence and Cuban troop withdrawal from Angola. The analysis of this policy has important relevance to the foreign policy dilemmas of today. Abuse of human rights can render some disenfranchised groups vulnerable to terrorist recruitment, and it is argued that Reagan's myopic globalism is being repeated in America's 'War on Terror'. The policy of 'constructive engagement' is once again being used as a diplomatic fig leaf for realpolitik, rather than as a vital tool of diplomacy.

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This paper aims to encourage critical reflection on what are key and pressing social and political issues surrounding the Paralympics Games. The focus of the paper is personal narratives of six current elite Paralympic athletes who have participated in at least one Paralympic Games. In response to critical stimuli presented in the form of five ‘unfinished stories’, the self-reflexive, personal, compelling narrative reflections of these individuals were (re)presented for each of the stories as a composite narrative. The stories expose questions over fear, despair, freedom, hope, love, oppression, hatred, hurt, terror, (in)equality, peace, performance and impairment. To really learn from London and reflect for Rio, we need academic work that can understand sport, sporting bodies and physical activity as important ‘sites’ through which social forces, discourses, institutions and processes congregate, congeal and are contested in a manner that contributes to the shaping of human relations, subjectivities, and experiences in particular, contextually contingent ways.

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Biography of Josephine Bonaparte. The incredible rise and unbelievable fall of Josephine, a mistress, courtesan and Revolutionary heroine whose energy and ambition has often been overshadowed by Napoleon’s military might. Historian Kate Williams, author of Becoming Queen, tells Josephine’s searing story of sexual obsession, politics and surviving as a woman in a man’s world. Abandoned in Paris by her aristocratic husband, Josephine's future did not look promising. But while her friends and contemporaries were sent to the guillotine during the Terror that followed the Revolution, she survived prison and emerged as the doyenne of a wildly debauched party scene, surprising everybody when she encouraged the advances of a short, marginalised Corsican soldier, six years her junior. Josephine, the fabulous hostess and skilled diplomat, was the perfect consort to the ambitious but obnoxious Napoleon. With her by his side, he became the greatest man in Europe, the Supreme Emperor; and she amassed a jewellery box with more diamonds than Marie Antoinette’s. But as his fame grew, Napoleon became increasingly obsessed with his need for an heir and irritated with Josephine’s extravagant spending. The woman who had enchanted France became desperate and jealous. Until, a divorcee aged forty-seven, she was forced to watch from the sidelines as Napoleon and his young bride produced a child.

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The reestablishment of democracy in Chile has seen an intense debate about the events of the recent past, especially on the issue of human rights. From the very beginning, the Concertacion Government has been determined to discover the truth of the repression carried out by the national security forces with a series of commissions that have gathered the testimonies of victims and their relatives. These efforts have been resisted by conservative sectors linked to the dictatorship and the Armed Forces. There has been intense conflict in the media during the past 20 years about events that occurred during the rule of Salvador Allende and the Military Regime. In this regard, a great diversity of information has been produced which, together with the debate evoked, has enabled historians not only to rigorously and thoroughly reconstruct the operation of the state terror but also to explain how a significant sector of Chile’s civil society allowed that situation. This article presents, on one hand, different methodological tools in order to study the recent past and, on the other hand, the social discussion on how to do it.

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Enacting the apocalypse: zombie metaphors in contemporary disaster preparedness Since the turn of the millennium, enactment of possible emergencies and catastrophes has become a most common way of producing knowledge about events yet to occur. Preparedness exercises are frequently performed by public authorities at local and regional levels. Collaborative approaches among relevant actors are enhanced and evaluated through simulated accidents and acts of terror as well as school shootings and epidemic outbreaks. Due to the incalculability of many modern threats, enactment is employed as a method for rendering potential future events available as empirical phenomena. However, sometimes these potential futures are represented in ways that correspond only to imagined and fictional worlds. The aim of this article is to explore the enactment of unreal possibilities in contemporary preparedness exercises. The empirical material employed for this purpose consists of crisis plans and exercise guides used in public and official institutions in the United States as well as qualitative interviews with municipal safety coordinators in Sweden.