Dinâmicas de apropriação e ocupação em diferentes formas de relevo: impactos e vulnerabilidades em ambientes urbanos

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A oposição da Igreja Católica à ordem jurídica republicana: o pensamento teológico-político de D. Adauto Aurélio de Miranda Henriques (1894-1935)

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

Direito à soberania alimentar e ao patrimônio cultural: perspectivas para uma alimentação identitária

Pós-graduação em Direito - FCHS

A política de defesa do Japão na primeira década do Século XXI

Pós-graduação em Relações Internacionais (UNESP - UNICAMP - PUC-SP) - FFC

Por uma rebeldia mundial? Formação e ação territorial da Via Campesina no Brasil

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A ausência de nacionalidade como fator de risco à condição do cidadão estrangeiro: a questão jurídico-social dos apátridas como uma nova construção do pensamento jurídico internacional

Pós-graduação em Direito - FCHS

Depois dos navios negreiros: a criação do Consulado Brasileiro em Luanda e as relações do Império com a colônia portuguesa de Angola, 1822-1860

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Levinas e a reconstrução da subjetividade ética aproximações com o campo da educação

Este artigo tem por objetivo discutir o conceito de subjetividade em sua relação com a alteridade em educação, com base no pensamento filosófico de Emanuel Levinas. Inicialmente, apresenta a discussão da subjetividade na filosofia moderna e sua forma de concebê-la como ideal de sujeito livre e soberano. Em seguida, desenvolve uma análise crítica que problematiza a pretensa soberania do sujeito e reconstrói uma nova subjetividade ética, situada na condição de refém, capaz de acolher a irredutível alteridade do Outro enquanto ideia do infinito. No contexto de reconstrução da subjetividade, o estudo estabelece aproximações com o campo da educação, destacando a experiência educativa como um acontecimento ético por excelência.

EMERSON AS A ROMANTICIST

It was the romanticists who tended to write poetry of “autobiography,” who inquired of themselves concerning themselves, and assumed that the world was interested in what they found. Nor was the habit of self-consciousness regarding the poetic office let drop by their successors. That the words poet and poetry were so often on Emerson’s lips would be evidence enough to students of literature, in its changing temper and shifting modes, of his probable localization in time. It is also evidence of his relation to certain European movements of thought to which he gave—comparatively late in their currency and much tempered —American expression. In his doctrine of the superiority and the aloofness of the poet, of the latter’s severance from others to whom he yet bears messages of light, in his self-sufficiency and his sovereignty, his belief in the intrinsic goodness of nature and of man, and his concern with poetic thought rather than poetic form, Emerson may be termed the American representative of ideas which already had had wide circulation in Europe. In great part they emanated from Rousseau, and some of them, especially the gospel of the rights and the supremacy of the individual, had metamorphosed the politics and the map of Europe as well as its literature.

Depois dos navios negreiros: a criação do Consulado Brasileiro em Luanda e as relações do Império com a colônia portuguesa de Angola, 1822-1860

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Soberania: conceito e aplicação para a gestão da água

Domínio sobre um território. Monopólio do uso da força. Possibilidade de indicar representantes em outros países. Promover acordos bilaterais ou com organismos multilaterais. Essas são algumas das definições clássicas de soberania. Elas são válidas atualmente? Teriam perdido significado diante do avanço de organismos multilaterais e de empresas transnacionais? São operacionais na resolução de problemas transfronteiriços, como ocorre em grande parte dos temas ambientais? Esses aspectos são discutidos a partir de autores clássicos e contemporâneos que abordam a soberania. É preciso rever a definição de soberania, sem precisar abandoná-la como defendem neoliberais, para reafirmar seu papel relevante nas relações entre países no mundo contemporâneo. Esse é o objetivo central desse artigo, que trata do conceito tendo como exemplo o acesso à água. Para alcançar esse objetivo, ele foi organizado em quatro partes: revisita aos clássicos, a paz de Westfália, o debate contemporâneo e as considerações finais.

And Trategies brazilian of power and territorialization for the control of the Islands of the Atlantic South

United Nations on the Rights of the Sea (UNCLOS) and the Convention of Heritage Cultural and Natural of the Humanity.

In nome della comunità. Analisi dei testi della sicurezza e del terrorismo

The focus of this dissertation is the relationship between the necessity for protection and the construction of cultural identities. In particular, by cultural identities I mean the representation and construction of communities: national communities, religious communities or local communities. By protection I mean the need for individuals and groups to be reassured about dangers and risks. From an anthropological point of view, the relationship between the need for protection and the formation and construction of collective identities is driven by the defensive function of culture. This was recognized explicitly by Claude Lévi-Strauss and Jurij Lotman. To explore the “protective hypothesis,” it was especially useful to compare the immunitarian paradigm, proposed by Roberto Esposito, with a semiotic approach to the problem. According to Esposito, immunity traces borders, dividing Community from what should be kept outside: the enemies, dangers and chaos, and, in general, whatever is perceived to be a threat to collective and individual life. I recognized two dimensions in the concept of immunity. The first is the logic dimension: every element of a system makes sense because of the network of differential relations in which it is inscribed; the second dimension is the social praxis of division and definition of who. We are (or what is inside the border), and who They are (or what is, and must be kept, outside the border). I tested my hypothesis by analyzing two subject areas in particular: first, the security practices in London after 9/11 and 7/7; and, second, the Spiritual Guide of 9/11 suicide bombers. In both cases, one observes the construction of two entities: We and They. The difference between the two cases is their “model of the world”: in the London case, one finds the political paradigms of security as Sovereignty, Governamentality and Biopolitics. In the Spiritual Guide, one observes a religious model of the Community of God confronting the Community of Evil. From a semiotic point view, the problem is the origin of respective values, the origin of respective moral universes, and the construction of authority. In both cases, I found that emotional dynamics are crucial in the process of forming collective identities and in the process of motivating the involved subjects: specifically, the role of fear and terror is the primary factor, and represents the principal focus of my research.

Welfare provision in Sweden and the dominant position of the Sap

There have been almost fifty years since Harry Eckstein' s classic monograph, A Theory of Stable Democracy (Princeton, 1961), where he sketched out the basic tenets of the “congruence theory”, which was to become one of the most important and innovative contributions to understanding democratic rule. His next work, Division and Cohesion in Democracy, (Princeton University Press: 1966) is designed to serve as a plausibility probe for this 'theory' (ftn.) and is a case study of a Northern democratic system, Norway. What is more, this line of his work best exemplifies the contribution Eckstein brought to the methodology of comparative politics through his seminal article, “ “Case Study and Theory in Political Science” ” (in Greenstein and Polsby, eds., Handbook of Political Science, 1975), on the importance of the case study as an approach to empirical theory. This article demonstrates the special utility of “crucial case studies” in testing theory, thereby undermining the accepted wisdom in comparative research that the larger the number of cases the better. Although not along the same lines, but shifting the case study unit of research, I intend to take up here the challenge and build upon an equally unique political system, the Swedish one. Bearing in mind the peculiarities of the Swedish political system, my unit of analysis is going to be further restricted to the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Svenska Arbetare Partiet. However, my research stays within the methodological framework of the case study theory inasmuch as it focuses on a single political system and party. The Swedish SAP endurance in government office and its electoral success throughout half a century (ftn. As of the 1991 election, there were about 56 years - more than half century - of interrupted social democratic "reign" in Sweden.) are undeniably a performance no other Social Democrat party has yet achieved in democratic conditions. Therefore, it is legitimate to inquire about the exceptionality of this unique political power combination. Which were the different components of this dominance power position, which made possible for SAP's governmental office stamina? I will argue here that it was the end-product of a combination of multifarious factors such as a key position in the party system, strong party leadership and organization, a carefully designed strategy regarding class politics and welfare policy. My research is divided into three main parts, the historical incursion, the 'welfare' part and the 'environment' part. The first part is a historical account of the main political events and issues, which are relevant for my case study. Chapter 2 is devoted to the historical events unfolding in the 1920-1960 period: the Saltsjoebaden Agreement, the series of workers' strikes in the 1920s and SAP's inception. It exposes SAP's ascent to power in the mid 1930s and the party's ensuing strategies for winning and keeping political office, that is its economic program and key economic goals. The following chapter - chapter 3 - explores the next period, i.e. the period from 1960s to 1990s and covers the party's troubled political times, its peak and the beginnings of the decline. The 1960s are relevant for SAP's planning of a long term economic strategy - the Rehn Meidner model, a new way of macroeconomic steering, based on the Keynesian model, but adapted to the new economic realities of welfare capitalist societies. The second and third parts of this study develop several hypotheses related to SAP's 'dominant position' (endurance in politics and in office) and test them afterwards. Mainly, the twin issues of economics and environment are raised and their political relevance for the party analyzed. On one hand, globalization and its spillover effects over the Swedish welfare system are important causal factors in explaining the transformative social-economic challenges the party had to put up with. On the other hand, Europeanization and environmental change influenced to a great deal SAP's foreign policy choices and its domestic electoral strategies. The implications of globalization on the Swedish welfare system will make the subject of two chapters - chapters four and five, respectively, whereupon the Europeanization consequences will be treated at length in the third part of this work - chapters six and seven, respectively. Apparently, at first sight, the link between foreign policy and electoral strategy is difficult to prove and uncanny, in the least. However, in the SAP's case there is a bulk of literature and public opinion statistical data able to show that governmental domestic policy and party politics are in a tight dependence to foreign policy decisions and sovereignty issues. Again, these country characteristics and peculiar causal relationships are outlined in the first chapters and explained in the second and third parts. The sixth chapter explores the presupposed relationship between Europeanization and environmental policy, on one hand, and SAP's environmental policy formulation and simultaneous agenda-setting at the international level, on the other hand. This chapter describes Swedish leadership in environmental policy formulation on two simultaneous fronts and across two different time spans. The last chapter, chapter eight - while trying to develop a conclusion, explores the alternative theories plausible in explaining the outlined hypotheses and points out the reasons why these theories do not fit as valid alternative explanation to my systemic corporatism thesis as the main causal factor determining SAP's 'dominant position'. Among the alternative theories, I would consider Traedgaardh L. and Bo Rothstein's historical exceptionalism thesis and the public opinion thesis, which alone are not able to explain the half century social democratic endurance in government in the Swedish case.

Tax Treaty Override

What exactly is tax treaty override ? When is it realized ? This thesis, which is the result of a co-directed PhD between the University of Bologna and Tilburg University, gives a deep insight into a topic that has not yet been analyzed in a systematic way. On the contrary, the analysis about tax treaty override is still at a preliminary stage. For this reason the origin and nature of tax treaty override are first of all analyzed in their ‘natural’ context, i.e. within general international law. In order to characterize tax treaty override and deeply understand its peculiarities the evaluation of the effects of general international law on tax treaties based on the OECD Model Convention is a necessary pre-condition. Therefore, the binding effects of an international agreement on state sovereignty are specifically investigated. Afterwards, the interpretation of the OECD Model Convention occupies the main part of the thesis in order to develop an ‘interpretative model’ which can be applied every time a case of tax treaty override needs to be detected. Fictitious income, exit taxes and CFC regimes are analyzed in order to verify their compliance with tax treaties based on the OECD Model Convention and establish when the relevant legislation realizes cases of tax treaty override.