526 resultados para Heroic ethic
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This paper posits that the Nordic countries were able to ensure good standards of equality for its citizens, while at the same time maintaining decent levels of economic growth. This can be attributed to the Nordic countries’ more holistic approach towards social spending and their focus on uplifting the skill levels of its workforce. Thus, the notion that there must be a trade-off between economic performance and a more aggressive welfare regime should be examined more thoroughly. The debate for policy makers should perhaps be framed with regard to where the balance should be between growth and equity rather than a trade-off. Firstly, the paper will elaborate on what exactly the “Nordic model” is, based on a broad literature review. Next, the paper will unpack the key characteristics of the Nordic model and analyse if indeed expansive welfare provided through state support erodes work ethic and impact the economic competitiveness of countries. Next, the paper will provide an explanation for how the balance between economic and social objectives is maintained, in some of the Nordic countries. Lastly, the paper discusses whether the same balance can be achieved in Singapore.
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There is a puzzling, little-remarked contradiction in scholarly views of the European Commission. On the one hand, the Commission is seen as the maestro of European integration, gently but persistently guiding both governments and firms toward Brussels. On the other hand, the Commission is portrayed as a headless bunch of bickering fiefdoms who can hardly be bothered by anything but their own in ternecine turf wars. The reason these very different views of the same institution have so seldom come into conflict is quite apparent: EU studies has a set of relatively autonomous and poorly integrated sub fields that work at different levels of analysis. Those scholars holding the "heroic" view of the Com mission are generally focused on the contest between national and supranational levels that character ized the 1992 program and subsequent major steps toward European integration. By contrast, those scholars with the "bureaucratic politics" view are generally authors of case studies or legislative his tories of individual EU directives or decisions. However, the fact that these twO images of the Commis sion are often two ships passing in the night hardly implies that there is no dispute. Clearly both views cannot be right; but then, how can we explain the significant support each enjoys from the empirical record? The CommiSSion, perhaps the single most important supranational body in the world, certainly deserves better than the schizophrenic interpretation the EU studies community has given it. In this paper, I aim to make a contribution toward the unraveling of this paradox. In brief, the argument I make is as follows: the European Commission can be effective in pursuit of its broad integration goals in spite of, and even because of, its internal divisions. The folk wisdom that too many chefs spoil the broth may often be true, but it need not always be so. The paper is organized as follows. 1 begin with an elaboration of the theoretical position briefly out lined above. 1 then tum to a case study from the major Commission efforts to restructure the computer industry in the context of its 1992 program. The computer sector does not merely provide interesting, random illustrations of the hypothesis 1 have advanced. Rather, as Wayne Sandholtz and John Zysman have stressed, the Commission's efforts on informatics formed one of the most crucial parts of the en tire 1992 program, and so the Commission's success in "Europeanizing" these issues had significant ripple effects across the entire European political economy. I conclude with some thoughts on the fol lowing question: now that the Commission has succeeded in bringing the world to its doorstep, does its bureaucratic division still serve a useful purpose?
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A year ago, the Parliament of Ukraine adopted four bills on the policy of national memory: on granting access to the archives of the repressive organs of the Communist totalitarian regime in the years 1917–1991, on the legal status and commemoration of Ukrainian independence fighters in the twentieth century, on the immortalisation of the victory over Nazism in the Second World War, 1939–1945, and on the condemnation of the Communist and National Socialist (Nazi) totalitarian regimes and the forbidding of their symbolism from being promoted. The laws came into force on 21 May 2015. After a year, it can be stated that only the latter two are being observed – the official narrative regarding World War II has been changed, mainly due to the activity of the Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance (UINR), but also as a result of public statements by President Petro Poroshenko. The process of removing from public places the names and commemorations referring to the Soviet era is underway, and the fears that this may trigger serious conflicts have not proved true. From roughly a thousand placenames subject to de-communisation some two thirds have been changed so far (parliamentary bills regarding the remaining ones are awaiting approval) and most statues of Communist leaders have been removed. However, the law concerning independence fighters, which raised the most serious controversies, did not have any practical consequences. Moreover, nothing suggests that this could change. The implementation of the de-communisation laws is associated with a significant change in Ukrainian patriotic narrative: it is no longer focused on national martyrdom and it is beginning to emphasize heroic motives, which is in line with wartime needs. The fact that some of these motives are likely to trigger problems in Ukraine’s relations with Poland seems to be viewed as a marginal ‘by-product’.
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En prenant pour appui initial le caractère équivoque de la communication, cette dissertation interroge les manières par lesquelles la vie en commun prend aussi effet comme œuvre de mort. S’inspirant du renouvellement de la recherche sur le thème de la communauté, l’interrogation se déploie en trois mouvements principaux. Chacun de ces mouvements ouvre et négocie trois grandes impasses : épistémologique, politique et éthique. La recherche propose de s’y frayer un chemin en s’appuyant principalement sur les travaux de Jean-Luc Nancy, Giorgio Agamben et Roberto Esposito. Le premier mouvement ouvre au voilement de l’idée de communication. L’idée de communication est voilée par une idéologie qui hérite elle-même d’une certaine conception humaniste de la communauté. Un examen de l’essai de Pic de la Mirandole Sur la dignité de l’homme permet d’exposer les valeurs associées à cette tradition qui recouvrent le caractère ambivalent de la communication. Ce premier mouvement mène au seuil de la situation politique contemporaine, marquée notamment par la nécessité de penser « notre » condition après la crise des valeurs humanistes. Le deuxième mouvement s’applique à l’examen de trois événements politiques contemporains. Chacun donne à comprendre comment s’exprime le péril associé à ce voilement : la fusillade au Collège Dawson de Montréal en 2006, un incident impliquant l’usage de gaz lacrymogènes lors de manifestations menées en 2013 à la Place Taksim à Istanbul, en Turquie, et une analyse de la crise de la dette publique grecque. L’aporie qui articule communication et incommunicabilité y est examinée à partir des thèmes de l’incommensurabilité des modes de vie en commun, de la biopolitique et du fascisme. Le fait que le péril qui menace de « nous » partager soit encore, malgré tout, ce que « nous » avons en partage invite à avancer là où aucune voie ne semble s’ouvrir. Le troisième mouvement présente les manières par lesquelles l’aporie de la communication peut être saisie en montrant qu’il est possible de penser par delà l’opposition de la communication et de la non-communication. Ce problème est abordé à l’horizon de la tradition philosophique concernant la question de l’être. Le saisissement du commun comme d’un propre — l’appropriation de l’inappropriable — ouvre à une conception de la communication « hors du commun ». Ces trois mouvements ne portent pas jusqu’à une conclusion. Ils ouvrent plutôt sur une autre conception de la communication. Celle-ci expose la possibilité sans cesse reconduite de l’événement fragile et intime dont « nous » sommes le nom.
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L'objectif de ce texte est de faire le point sur la controverse soulevée par Wakefield et ses collaborateurs concernant l'effet du vaccin RRO à titre de déclencheur éventuel d'une forme d'autisme. Après avoir présenté les travaux de Wakefield et al., les auteurs montrent que les recherches effectuées dans plusieurs pays mettent en évidence que l'hypothèse du lien entre le vaccin RRO et l'autisme n'est nullement fondée. La présentation de l'ensemble des résultats débouche sur une discussion comprenant trois volets: la nature de l'augmentation du nombre de cas d'autisme au cours des dernières années, la méthodologie utilisée pour vérifier l'hypothèse du lien vaccin RRO et autisme et les enjeux éthiques d'une telle controverse.
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V. 1. French revolution - 2. French revolution (cont'd). - Past and present. - 3. Sartor resartus on heroes, hero-worship and the heroic in history. - 4. The life of Friedrich Schuller. - The life of John Sterling. - 5. Latter-day pamphlets. - The early kings of Norway, also an essay on the portraits of John Knox. - 6-8. Oliver Cromwell's letters and speechers, with elucidations. - 9-14. History of Friedrich D. of Prussia called Frederick the Great. - 15-17. Critical and miscellaneous essays.
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Reprints in part from Blackwood's magazine, the Atlantic monthly, the Quarterly review and the Spectator.
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"Memorial edition."
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Each volume has separate t.-p. also.
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Added t.-p., engraved, with vignette.
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Each vol. has also special t. p.
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"Large paper edition limited to 300 copies, of which this is no. 294."
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Bibliography: p. 417-463.
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I. Hopkins, W. R. Beginnings of the New England society of New York, 1884. Spring, G. A tribute to New England, 1820. Remarks on the charges made by the Rev. Gardiner Spring, D. D., against the religion and morals of the people of Boston and its vicinity, 1821. Romeyn, J. B. The duty and reward of honouring God, 1821. Whelpley, P. M. "The memory of the just is blessed." 1822. Knapp, S. L. Address, 1829. Bacon, L. Address, 1838. Winthrop, R. C. Address, 1839. Hadduck, C. R. The elements of national greatness, 1841. Cheever, G. B. The elements of national greatness, 1842. Choate, R. The age of the Pilgrims the heroic period of our history, 1843. Webster, D. The landing at Plymouth. 1843. Marsh, G. P. Address, 1844. Upham, C. W. The spirit of the day and its lessons, 1846.--II. Hall, J. P. Discourse, 1847. Bushnell, H. The founders, great in their unconsciousness, 1949. Webster, D. The Constitution and the union, 1850. Hillard, G. S. The past and the futur
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The strenuous life.--Expansion and peace.-Latitude and longitude among reformers.--Fellow-feeling as a political factor.--Civil helpfulness.--Character and success.--The Eighth and Ninth commandments in politics.--The best and the good.--Promise and performance.--The American boy.--Military preparedness and unpreparedness.--Admiral Dewey.--Grant.--The two Americas.--Manhood and statehood.--Brotherhood and the heroic virtues.--National duties.--The labor question.--Christian citizenship.