La agenda educativa en el período liberal-radical 1895-1912

Este libro estudia la agenda educativa del liberalismo-radical que gobernó el Ecuador entre 1895 y 1912, luego de la Revolución liberal. Procura responder algunos interrogantes en torno a los temas de educación en la agenda pública de los dirigentes políticos de esa tendencia, al tiempo que busca desvelar lo que lograron ejecutar y aquello que quedó como asignatura pendiente. Su propósito también es revisar si dicha agenda constituyó una ruptura con lo que hasta ese momento se había realizado en cuanto a instrucción pública primaria, en general, y de las mujeres, en particular, o si continuó con la lógica de los gobiernos anteriores respecto al fortalecimiento del Estado y la ampliación de su control hacia periferias que aún se encontraban fuera de su poder en el período analizado. La autora, mediante el análisis de los documentos de la época, demuestra que el proyecto de instrucción pública laica y gratuita del liberalismo-radical tuvo demoras y dificultades para concretarse en el caso de los varones, y no llegó a ejecutarse en lo que se refiere a la formación de las niñas, pese a los esfuerzos que en ello empeñaron.

Governmentality, subject-building, and the discourses and practices of devolution in the UK

This paper uses a Foucauldian governmentality framework to analyse and interrogate the discourses and strategies adopted by the state and sections of the business community in their attempts to shape and influence emerging agendas of governance in post-devolution Scotland. Much of the work on governmentality has examined the ways in which governments have developed particular techniques, rationales and mechanisms to enable the functioning of governance programmes. This paper expands upon such analyses by also looking at the ways in which particular interests may use similar procedures, discourses and practices to promote their own agendas and develop new forms of resistance, contestation and challenge to emerging policy frameworks. Using the example of business interest mobilization in post-devolution Scotland, it is argued that governments may seek to mobilize defined forms of expertise and knowledge, linking them to wider political debates. This, however, creates new opportunities for interests to shape and contest the discourses and practices of government. The governmentalization of politics can, therefore, be seen as more of a dialectical process of definition and contestation than is often apparent in existing Foucault-inspired writing.

In the intersection of the angles of a table, there is more truth than in all the tangle of muscles: Futurism as anti-humanist critique

The recent celebrations of the centenary of the publication of the Futurist manifesto led to a renewed discussion of the ideas and artworks of the Italian artists’ group. Jacques Rancière related the Futurist ethos with the modernist project of liberating art from representation. Franco ‘Bifo’ Berardi, in his post-Futurist manifesto, also identified a historical irony at play in the emptying out of Futurism’s promise: a liberated mechanical humanity did indeed materialize, in a global economic system premised on financial servitude to the future via debt. However, these models continue to assess Futurism against an unchallenged humanism, finding it either supporting ideals of freedom and human rights despite itself, or else lacking in these areas. But Futurism is potentially more relevant than ever not in spite of its anti-humanist agenda, precisely because of it. Tom McCarthy annexes not Futurist art but Futurist writing to an emerging object oriented ontology that seeks to challenge the primacy of the human. If Futurism is to be repurposed as a critical concept, it can only do so by countering the humanist myth the liberal subject that underlies the current cultural and political hegemony of neo-liberalism.