981 resultados para Neo-avantgard


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Modern Christian theology has been at pain with the schism between the Bible and theology, and between biblical studies and systematic theology. Brevard Springs Childs is one of biblical scholars who attempt to dismiss this “iron curtain” separating the two disciplines. The present thesis aims at analyzing Childs’ concept of theological exegesis in the canonical context. In the present study I employ the method of systematic analysis. The thesis consists of seven chapters. Introduction is the first chapter. The second chapter attempts to find out the most important elements which exercise influence on Childs’ methodology of biblical theology by sketching his academic development during his career. The third chapter attempts to deal with the crucial question why and how the concept of the canon is so important for Childs’ methodology of biblical theology. In chapter four I analyze why and how Childs is dissatisfied with historical-critical scholarship and I point out the differences and similarities between his canonical approach and historical criticism. The fifth chapter attempts at discussing Childs’ central concepts of theological exegesis by investigating whether a Christocentric approach is an appropriate way of creating a unified biblical theology. In the sixth chapter I present a critical evaluation and methodological reflection of Childs’ theological exegesis in the canonical context. The final chapter sums up the key points of Childs’ methodology of biblical theology. The basic results of this thesis are as follows: First, the fundamental elements of Childs’ theological thinking are rooted in Reformed theological tradition and in modern theological neo-orthodoxy and in its most prominent theologian, Karl Barth. The American Biblical Theological Movement and the controversy between Protestant liberalism and conservatism in the modern American context cultivate his theological sensitivity and position. Second, Childs attempts to dismiss negative influences of the historical-critical method by establishing canon-based theological exegesis leading into confessional biblical theology. Childs employs terminology such as canonical intentionality, the wholeness of the canon, the canon as the most appropriate context for doing a biblical theology, and the continuity of the two Testaments, in order to put into effect his canonical program. Childs demonstrates forcefully the inadequacies of the historical-critical method in creating biblical theology in biblical hermeneutics, doctrinal theology, and pastoral practice. His canonical approach endeavors to establish and create post-critical Christian biblical theology, and works within the traditional framework of faith seeking understanding. Third, Childs’ biblical theology has a double task: descriptive and constructive, the former connects biblical theology with exegesis, the later with dogmatic theology. He attempts to use a comprehensive model, which combines a thematic investigation of the essential theological contents of the Bible with a systematic analysis of the contents of the Christian faith. Childs also attempts to unite Old Testament theology and New Testament theology into one unified biblical theology. Fourth, some problematic points of Childs’ thinking need to be mentioned. For instance, his emphasis on the final form of the text of the biblical canon is highly controversial, yet Childs firmly believes in it, he even regards it as the corner stone of his biblical theology. The relationship between the canon and the doctrine of biblical inspiration is weak. He does not clearly define whether Scripture is God’s word or whether it only “witnesses” to it. Childs’ concepts of “the word of God” and “divine revelation” remain unclear, and their ontological status is ambiguous. Childs’ theological exegesis in the canonical context is a new attempt in the modern history of Christian theology. It expresses his sincere effort to create a path for doing biblical theology. Certainly, it was just a modest beginning of a long process.

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The rise of educational action research amongst schools in Singapore can be attributed to the government’s belief that educational research and reform can improve school performance and help Singapore keep pace with the impact of globalization. However, against a backdrop of neo-liberal educational reform where efficiency, accountability and demonstrable outcomes are valued, the underlying intent of the action research projects would seem to be inconsistent with the emancipatory intent normally associated with action research. A systematic review was conducted of 71 action research projects submitted to a local educational conference in 2006. Of concern to us is how action research has been narrowly interpreted and recruited simply as an evaluative tool with the emancipatory potential largely ignored. The paper is theoretically framed by governmentality and performativity to explore the embedded power relations that may “fabricate” the action research projects. The findings and discussions suggest a need for the government, schools and teacher-researchers to reflexively question the current expectation of action research and to be clear about its broader purpose

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Keratinocytes expressing tumor or viral antigens can be eliminated by antigen-primed CD8 cytotoxic T cells. CD4 T-helper cells help induction of CD8 cytotoxic T cells from naive precursors and generation of CD8 T-cell memory. In this study, we show, unexpectedly, that CD4 cells are also required to assist primed CD8 effector T cells in rejection of skin expressing human growth hormone, a neo-self-antigen, in keratinocytes. The requirement for CD4 cells can be substituted by CD40 costimulation. Rejection of skin expressing ovalbumin (OVA), a non-self-antigen, by primed CD8 cytotoxic T cells can in contrast occur without help from antigen-specific CD4 T cells. However, rejection of OVA expressing keratinocytes is helped by antigen-specific CD4 T cells if only low numbers of primed or naive OVA-specific CD8 T cells are available. Effective immunotherapy directed at antigens expressed in squamous cancer may therefore be facilitated by induction of tumor antigen-specific CD4 helper T cells, as well as cytotoxic CD8 T cells.

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"The book brings together experts from Media and Communication Studies with Postcolonial Studies scholars to illustrate how the two fields may challenge and enrich each other. Its essays introduce readers to selected topics including »Media Convergence«, »Transcultural Subjectivity«, »Hegemony«, »Piracy« and »Media History and Colonialism«. Drawing on examples from film, literature, music, TV and the internet, the contributors investigate the transnational dimensions in today's media, engage with local and global media politics and discuss media outlets as economic agents, thus illustrating mechanisms of power in postcolonial and neo-colonial mediascapes."--Publisher website

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In the years of reconstruction and economic boom that followed the Second World War, the domestic sphere encountered new expectations regarding social behaviour, modes of living, and forms of dwelling. This book brings together an international group of scholars from architecture, design, urban planning, and interior design to reappraise mid-twentieth century modern life, offering a timely reassessment of culture and the economic and political effects on civilian life. This collection contains essays that examine the material of art, objects, and spaces in the context of practices of dwelling over the long span of the postwar period. It asks what role material objects, interior spaces, and architecture played in quelling or fanning the anxieties of modernism’s ordinary denizens, and how this role informs their legacy today. Table of Contents [Book] Introduction Robin Schuldenfrei Part 1: Psychological Constructions: Anxiety of Isolation and Exposure 1. Taking Comfort in the Age of Anxiety: Eero Saarinen’s Womb Chair Cammie McAtee 2. The Future is Possibly Past: The Anxious Spaces of Gaetano Pesce Jane Pavitt 3. Scopophobia/Scopophilia: Electric Light and the Anxiety of the Gaze in American Postwar Domestic Architecture Margaret Petty Part 2: Ideological Objects: Design and Representation 4. The Allegory of the Socialist Lifestyle: The Czechoslovak Pavilion at the Brussels Expo, its Gold Medal and the Politburo Ana Miljacki 5. Assimilating Unease: Moholy-Nagy and the Wartime-Postwar Bauhaus in Chicago Robin Schuldenfrei 6. The Anxieties of Autonomy: Peter Eisenman from Cambridge to House VI Sean Keller Part 3: Societies of Consumers: Materialist Ideologies and Postwar Goods 7. "But a home is not a laboratory": The Anxieties of Designing for the Socialist Home in the German Democratic Republic 1950—1965 Katharina Pfützner 8. Architect-designed Interiors for a Culturally Progressive Upper-Middle Class: The Implicit Political Presence of Knoll International in Belgium Fredie Floré 9. Domestic Environment: Italian Neo-Avant-Garde Design and the Politics of Post-Materialism Mary Louise Lobsinger Part 4: Class Concerns and Conflict: Dwelling and Politics 10. Dirt and Disorder: Taste and Anxiety in the Working Class Home Christine Atha 11. Upper West Side Stories: Race, Liberalism, and Narratives of Urban Renewal in Postwar New York Jennifer Hock 12. Pawns or Prophets? Postwar Architects and Utopian Designs for Southern Italy Anne Parmly Toxey. Coda: From Homelessness to Homelessness David Crowley

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We compared student performance on large-scale take-home assignments and small-scale invigilated tests that require competency with exactly the same programming concepts. The purpose of the tests, which were carried out soon after the take home assignments were submitted, was to validate the students' assignments as individual work. We found widespread discrepancies between the marks achieved by students between the two types of tasks. Many students were able to achieve a much higher grade on the take-home assignments than the invigilated tests. We conclude that these paired assessments are an effective way to quickly identify students who are still struggling with programming concepts that we might otherwise assume they understand, given their ability to complete similar, yet more complicated, tasks in their own time. We classify these students as not yet being at the neo-Piagetian stage of concrete operational reasoning.

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The role of people as buyers and eaters of food has changed significantly. From being protected by a paternalistic welfare state, people appear to be accorded more freedom and responsibility as individuals, where attention is redirected from the state towards market relations. Many have asserted that these changes are accompanied by fragmentation, individualisation, and privatisation, leading to individual uncertainty and lack of confidence. But empirical observations do not always confirm this, distrust is not necessarily growing and while responsibilities may change, the state still plays an active role. This dissertation explores changing relationships between states and markets, on the one hand, and ordinary people in their capacities as consumers and citizens, on the other. Do we see the emergence of new forms of regulation of food consumption? If so, what is the scope and what are the characteristics? Theories of regulation addressing questions about individualisation and self-governance are combined with a conceptualisation of consumption as processes of institutionalisation, involving daily routines, the division of labour between production and consumption, and the institutional field in which consumption is embedded. The analyses focus on the involvement of the state, food producers and scientific, first of all nutritional, expertise in regulating consumption, and on popular responses. Two periods come out as important, first when the ideas of “designing the good life” emerged, giving the state a very particular role in regulating food consumption, and, second, when this “designing” is replaced by ideas of choice and individual responsibility. One might say that “consumer choice” has become a mode of regulation. I use mainly historical studies from Norway to analyse the shifting role of the state in regulating food consumption, complemented with population surveys from six European countries to study how modernisation processes are associated with trust. The studies find that changing regulation is not only a question of societal or state vs individual responsibilities. Degrees of organisation and formalisation are important as well. While increasing organisation may represent discipline and abuses of power (including exploitation of consumer loyalty), organisation can also, to the consumer, provide higher predictability, systems to deal with malfeasance, and efficiency which may provide conditions for acting. The welfare state and the neo-liberal state have very different types of solutions. The welfare state solution is based on (national) egalitarianism, paternalism and discipline (of the market as well as households). Such solutions are still prominent in Norway. Individualisation and self-regulation may represent a regulatory response not only to a declining legitimacy of this kind of interventionism, but also increasing organisational complexity. This is reflected in large-scale re-regulation of markets as well as in relationships with households and consumers. Individualisation of responsibility is to the consumer not a matter of the number of choices that are presented on the shelves, but how choice as a form of consumer based involvement is institutionalised. It is recognition of people as “end-consumers”, as social actors, with systems of empowerment politically as well as via the provisioning system. ‘Consumer choice’ as a regulatory strategy includes not only communicative efforts to make people into “choosing consumers”, but also the provision of institutions which recognise consumer interests and agency. When this is lacking we find distrust as representing powerlessness. Individual responsibility-taking represents agency and is not always a matter of loyal support to shared goals, but involves protest and creativity. More informal (‘communitarian’) innovations may be an indication of that, where self-realisation is intimately combined with responsibility for social problems. But as solutions to counteract existing imbalances of power in the food market the impacts of such initiatives are probably more as part of consumer mobilisation and politicisation than as alternative provisioning.

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Aneuploidy is among the most obvious differences between normal and cancer cells. However, mechanisms contributing to development and maintenance of aneuploid cell growth are diverse and incompletely understood. Functional genomics analyses have shown that aneuploidy in cancer cells is correlated with diffuse gene expression signatures and that aneuploidy can arise by a variety of mechanisms, including cytokinesis failures, DNA endoreplication and possibly through polyploid intermediate states. Here, we used a novel cell spot microarray technique to identify genes with a loss-of-function effect inducing polyploidy and/or allowing maintenance of polyploid cell growth of breast cancer cells. Integrative genomics profiling of candidate genes highlighted GINS2 as a potential oncogene frequently overexpressed in clinical breast cancers as well as in several other cancer types. Multivariate analysis indicated GINS2 to be an independent prognostic factor for breast cancer outcome (p = 0.001). Suppression of GINS2 expression effectively inhibited breast cancer cell growth and induced polyploidy. In addition, protein level detection of nuclear GINS2 accurately distinguished actively proliferating cancer cells suggesting potential use as an operational biomarker.

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We argue in this paper that corporate language policies have significant power implications that are easily overlooked. By drawing on previous work on power in organizations (Clegg, 1989), we examine the complex power implications of language policy decisions by looking at three levels of analysis: episodic social interaction, identity/subjectivity construction, and reconstruction of structures of domination. In our empirical analysis, we focus on the power implications of the choice of Swedish as the corporate language in the case of the recent banking sector merger between the Finnish Merita and the Swedish Nordbanken. Our findings show how language skills become empowering or disempowering resources in organizational communication, how these skills are associated with professional competence, and how this leads to the creation of new social networks. The case also illustrates how language skills are an essential element in the construction of international confrontation, lead to a construction of superiority and inferiority, and also reproduce post-colonial identities in the merging bank. Finally, we also point out how such policies ultimately lead to the reification of post-colonial and neo-colonial structures of domination in multinational corporations.

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We argue in this paper that corporate language policies have significant power implications that are easily overlooked. By drawing on previous work on power in organizations (Clegg, 1989), we examine the complex power implications of language policy decisions by looking at three levels of analysis: episodic social interaction, identity/subjectivity construction, and reconstruction of structures of domination. In our empirical analysis, we focus on the power implications of the choice of Swedish as the corporate language in the case of the recent banking sector merger between the Finnish Merita and the Swedish Nordbanken. Our findings show how language skills become empowering or disempowering resources in organizational communication, how these skills are associated with professional competence, and how this leads to the creation of new social networks. The case also illustrates how language skills are an essential element in the construction of international confrontation, lead to a construction of superiority and inferiority, and also reproduce post-colonial identities in the merging bank. Finally, we also point out how such policies ultimately lead to the reification of post-colonial and neo-colonial structures of domination in multinational corporations.

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The Cold War era was characterized by ideological struggles that had a major impact on economic decision-making, and also on management practice. To date, however, these ideological struggles have received little attention from management and organizational scholars. To partially fill this research gap, we focus on the role of the media in these ideological struggles. Our starting point is that the media both reflect more general societal debates but also act as an agency promoting specific kinds of ideas and ideologies. In this sense, the media exercise significant power in society; this influece, however, is often subtle and easily dismissed in historical analyses focusing on political and corporate decision-making. In this article, we focus on the role of business journalism in the ideological struggles of the Cold War era. Our case in point is Finland, which is arguably a particularly interesting example due to its geo-political position between East and West. Our approach is socio-historical: we focus on the emergence and development of business journalism in the context of the specific struggles in the Finnish political and economic fields. Our analysis shows how the business journalists struggled between nationalist, pro-Soviet and pro-West political forces, but gradually developed into an increasingly influential force promoting neo-liberal ideology.

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There is an urgent interest in marketing to move away from neo-classical value definitions suggesting that value creation is a process of exchanging goods for money. In the present paper, value creation is conceptualized as an integration of two distinct, yet closely coupled processes. First, actors co-create what this paper calls an underlying basis of value. This is done by interactively re-configuring resources. By relating and combining resources, activity sets, and risks across actor boundaries in novel ways actors create joint productivity gains – a concept very similar to density (Normann, 2001). Second, actors engage in a process of signification and evaluation. Signification implies co-constructing the meaning and worth of joint productivity gains co-created through interactive resource re-configuration, as well as sharing those gains through a pricing mechanism as value to involved actors. The conceptual framework highlights an all-important dynamics associated with ´value creation´ and ´value´ - a dynamics the paper claims has eluded past marketing research. The paper argues that the framework presented here is appropriate for the interactive service perspective, where value and value creation are not objectively given, but depend on the power of involved actors´ socially constructed frames to mobilize resources across actor boundaries in ways that ´enhance system well-being´ (Vargo et al., 2008). The paper contributes to research on Service Logic, Service-Dominant Logic, and Service Science.

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Työssäni tarkastelen venäläistä neo-euraasianistista liikettä ja tapoja joilla liikkeen aktivistit rakentavat Euraasiasta yhtenäistä kokonaisuutta ja imperiumia. Keskeisiä tutkimuskysymyksiäni ovat: Mikä imperiumi on ja mitkä ovat sen keskeisiä motivaatioita ja teemoja? Kuinka imperiumin idea rakentuu tai käsitetään ja tämän voi tulkita? Minkälaisia seurauksia voi tulkita heidän tavallaan Euraasia nähdä olevan? Materiaalina käytän haastatteluja, jotka on kerätty Moskovassa keväällä 2008, ja liikkeen kirjallisia tuotoksia (lehdet ja Internet -sivut). Neo-euraasianistisella liikkeellä tarkoitan tässä työssä Kansainvälistä Euraasianistista liikettä (Meždunarodnoe Evrazijskoe Dviženie) ja sen alahaaraa Euraasianistista Nuorisoliittoa (Evrazijskij Sojuz Molodëži). Liike perustettiin virallisesti 2003, mutta rakentaa vahvasti historiallista yhteyttä 1930 -luvun klassiseen eurasianismiin. Tämän lisäksi sen diskurssissa on paljon neuvostoliittolaisia, fasistisia, uuskonservatiivisia ja nationalistisia piirteitä. Liikkeen johtohahmo on filosofi-geopoliitikko Alexandr Dugin. Työn tausta-ajatuksena minua kiinnostaa etenkin nk. älymystön tai intelligenttien vaikutus nationalismiin tai sosiaalisia ryhmiä määrittelevien diskurssien kehitykseen ja muutokseen.Tarkastelen materiaalia diskurssianalyyttisesta näkökulmasta. Näen diskurssianalyysin sen tutkimisena, miten sosiaalista todellisuutta tuotetaan erilaisissa sosiaalisissa käytännöissä. Samalla näiden diskurssien tutkiminen, foucautlaisen perinteen myötä, tarkastelee kriittisesti niiden tuottamia (aktualisoituneita sekä potentiaalisia) valtasuhteita. Käytän työssäni myös Benedict Andersonin kuvitellun yhteisön (imagined communities) käsitettä, joka auttaa hahmottamaan tapaa, jolla tutkimuskohteeni rakentavat imperiumia yhteisönä. Aktivistien puheessa imperiumi (imperiâ) tulee esiin pääasiallisesti positiivisesti ja ”heidän omanaan,” kun taas termi imperialismi (imperializm) pääosin negatiivisena, liittyen etenkin keskeisenä vihollisena pidettyihin Yhdysvaltoihin. Esiin nousee monta toisiinsa liittyvää teemaa, jotka jaottelen viideksi pääteemaksi. Näistä tarkastelen lähemmin imperiumia ”kaikkien kansojen hyväntekijänä (poliittinen puoli)”, ulkoisen voiman lähteenä (historiallis-geopoliittinen puoli) sekä kollektiivisen subjektin luojana (imperialistis-nationalistinen puoli). Pyrin kontekstualisoimaan diskurssin ja tarkastelemaan tapoja, joilla se ammentaa motiiveja myös historiallis-kulttuurisista tavoista hahmottaa aluetta ja sen asukkaita. Käsittelen myös kansan, kansakunnan, etnoksen ja nationalismin käsitteitä ja sitä, miten ne nousevat neo-eurasianistisessa diskursissa esiin. Imperiaalisen nationalismin (imperskij nacionalizm) käsite auttaa ymmärtämään niitä tapoja, jolla liike tekee sekä pesäeroa nationalismiin että samalla hyödyntää monia nationalistisen diskurssin perusteemoja. Eräs liikkeen diskurssin keskeisistä eroista niin sanottuun nationalismin valtavirtaan on ”kansakunnan (naciâ)” käsitteen vahva negatiivinen konnotaatio. Sen vastakohtana esiin nostetaan vahvasti kansan (narod) käsite. Samalla kuitenkin etnisen venäläisen (russkij) käsitettä käytetään tavallista laajemmin ja kattavammin kuin tavallisesti, ja ennen kaikkea Venäjä nousee imperiumin keskeisimmäksi tekijäksi. Euraasialaiseen imperiumiin liitetyistä positiivistista mielikuvista käsittelen tarkemmin monikansallisuuden ja kansojen kodin ideaa, joka nousee mielestäni huomattavaksi retoriseksi taustaksi kaikessa materiaalissa. Tähän liittyy vahvasti myös saman teeman sivujuonne, eli imperiumin ”vapauttava” rooli. Tulkitsen, että liikkeen imperiumi -diskurssilla on instrumentaalinen luonne: se legitimoi aktivistien vaatimuksia varsinkin entisen Neuvostoliiton alueen suhteen. ”Euraasialaisen kansan” ajatus toimii mahdollisena Euraasiaa yhteisenä tekijänä ”Neuvostokansan” tilalla. Sen taustalla materiaalistani päätellen siintävät kuitenkin enemmänkin Venäjä ja venäläis -spesifit vaateet kuin koko Euraasia. Pohdin myös kansakunnan (nation) hyljeksimisen syitä ja käsitteen sopivuutta Venäjälle, kuten myös venäläisyyden käsitteiden kerrostuneisuutta. Kokonaisuudessaan imperiumi tuli esiin abstraktina, utopistisena ja ”totaalisena” kokonaisuutena.

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Tutkielmassa tarkastellaan jalkapallon seuraamista elämyskuluttamisen näkökulmasta. Elämyskulutuksella tarkoitetaan tässä yhteydessä tapahtumia ja hetkiä, jolloin ihminen kokee tavallisuudesta poikkeavan ja mieleenpainuvan tunnetilan. Elämyksiä tarjoavat palvelut ovat lisänneet jatkuvasti suosiotaan, kun arjessa rationaalisuus ylikorostuu ja sille halutaan vastapainoa. Aihetta taustoitetaan elämysyhteiskunnan, yhteisöllisyyden ja kuluttajaheimojen käsitteiden avulla. Erityishuomion saavat kulttuuritapahtumat elämystuotteina, penkkiurheilu yhteiskunnallisena ilmiönä sekä erilaiset jalkapalloon liittyvät kulutustavat. Tutkielma on luonteeltaan fenomenologis-etnografinen kuvaileva tutkimus. Tutkimusmenetelminä on käytetty osallistuvaa havainnointia ja haastatteluita. Tutkimusperinteen mukaisesti ilmiön ymmärtäminen, kuvaaminen ja kirjoittaminen ovat tärkeässä osassa. Havainnointiaineisto on kerätty kolmessa eri tapahtumassa seuraamalla katsojien käyttäytymistä ja tunnelman syntymiseen vaikuttavia tekijöitä. Haastateltavat on valittu harkinnanvaraisesti jalkapalloa aktiivisesti seuraavista henkilöistä ja menetelmänä on käytetty avoimia teemahaastatteluita. Urheilun vetovoima ajanvietteenä perustuu vahvojen tunteiden herättämiseen, joten penkkiurheilu on elämyskulutusta puhtaimmillaan. Urheilu elämystuotteena on oivallinen, sillä sen lukuisten kulutustapojen lisäksi tapahtumat muodostavat päättymättömän jatkumon. Myös oman aineistoni perusteella osoittautui, että menneiden tapahtumien avulla ankkuroidutaan yhteisöön ja tulevien tapahtumien avulla pidetään innostusta yllä. Pettymysten hetkelläkään koukusta ei haluta irti, sillä jokainen kokemus lisää tunteita omaa urheilulajia ja yhteisöä kohtaan. Urheilutapahtumissa katsojan elämys syntyy subjektiivisen kokemuksen kautta, mutta yhteisö luo elämyksen toteutumisen välttämättömät edellytykset. Jalkapalloyleisöön kuuluvissa henkilöissä yhdistyvät halu kuulua ryhmään ja olla samaan aikaan sen ulkopuolella. Peliä voidaan tarkkailla itsekseen ja keskittyneesti suuren joukon keskellä tai hurrata muiden mukana. Aineistoni perusteella jalkapallofanin innostus pulppuaa kahdesta lähteestä: yhteisöllisyydestä ja kiinnostuksesta lajiin. Yhteisöllisyyden tunne syntyy kuulumisesta globaaliin jalkapalloyhteisöön, oman suosikkijoukkueen kannattajiin ja samaa lajia seuraavien kaverien muodostamaan lähipiiriin. Urheilullinen puoli innostuksesta syntyy kiinnostuksesta jalkapalloa kohtaan lajina, aktiivisesti seuratuista säännöllisistä tapahtumista ja oman joukkueen kannattamisesta. Jalkapallon seuraajiin teoria jatkuvasti muuttuvista uusyhteisöistä pätee melko huonosti, sillä lajille ja seuralle ollaan hyvin uskollisia. Faneille on tärkeää sitoutua pieneen lähiyhteisöön, jonka kanssa heillä on yhteinen historia ja mahdollisuus jakaa kokemuksia keskustelemalla ja muistelemalla.

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In the present research Finnish education policy-makers describe the transformation in upper secondary education in the 1990s. They answered questions related to equality and all-round education. The timeline of the research extends from the early development of the welfare state and equality policy to the 2000s. Its focus is on upper secondary education, which, in this paper, denotes general upper secondary education and vocational upper secondary education. The chronological analysis proceeds from the education committee of 1971 up to the youth education experiment of the 1990s. The voices of the then policy-makers are heard in this research. They were the ones who planned the reforms and/or made the decisions. This being the case, the interviewees include cabinet ministers, permanent secretaries, representatives of organisations and the research community as well as civil servants. The research material can be construed as contextual interpretations of the past, influenced by both the times and places where the narrations were given. The persons interviewed described their experiences and views on education policy. In their narratives they illustrated the transformation that occurred in relation to equality and all-round education. The narrative interviews painted a picture of the upper secondary education transformation and the matriculation examination as having a slowing effect on education policy reforms. It was not until the 1990s when the said examination began to make a difference to students in vocational upper secondary education Those interviewed named the persons who, in their opinion, had the most say in Finnish education policy. This list comprised a small circle of people who more or less agreed on the grand values of education policy, i.e. all-round education and equality. Only a small minority represented a radical view of equality, being true believers in universal upper secondary education implemented in accordance with comprehensive school reform. Finnish education policy was led from the perspective of traditional conception of equality from the 1970s to the 1980s. The transformation finally occurred in the 1990s when equality was understood to mean individual needs and the right to choose. As was the case with matriculation education, the insistence on all-round education also hampered the development of universal upper secondary education. The interviews revealed that any attempts to increase the academic syllabus of vocational education caused organisations as well as other policy-makers to oppose such development well into the 1980s. It was not until the youth education experiment of the 1990s that vocational education finally carved a path to higher education, when the polytechnic schools were made permanent. Three principal groups of key players emerged in the research: ministers of education, civil servants and organisations. The research showed that the ministers and civil servant education policy-makers of the 1990s also included only handful women. The circle of policy-makers was small and represented similar schools of thought. In the 1970s era of government committees, representatives of organisations actively participated in education policy. When the committee establishment was discontinued, this eliminated lobbying venues for the organisations. Nonetheless, the organisations regained their policymaking status in the 1990s. New lobbying organisations included the Finnish Entrepreneurs and the Union of Finnish Upper Secondary School Students. However, in contrast to the 1970s, only rarely would individuals rise from the ranks of organisations to the cadre of policy-makers. The interviewees had a twofold view of neo-liberalism Contrary to other policy-makers, representatives of the research community and organisations concur that neo-liberalism did exist in education policy decision-making in the 1990s.