504 resultados para Liberalism.


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This paper explores the significant influences of European liberalism, and in particular French liberalism, in the Chilean thought and political culture/praxis during the construction of the State in the mid-19th century. It reveals and discusses the significant circulation of ideas that an array of Chilean travelers and exiles in several European countries generated and promoted in Chile in the middle of the 19th century. Among the intellectuals and politicians treated by this article are Andrés Bello, Manuel Antonio Tocornal, Santiago Arcos, Francisco Bilbao, Manuel Antonio Matta and Ángel Custodio Gallo.

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Más allá del mito de la discreta regente de España, María Cristina de Habsburgo ofrece una imagen poliédrica que puede contribuir a calibrar la importancia política, cultural y social de la representación simbólica de la corona. Las imágenes —oficial, de la oposición y populares— de María Cristina son analizadas desde diversas perspectivas: la consolidación de una monarquía en crisis tras el fallecimiento de Alfonso XII pocos años después de la República, la creación de una identidad nacional todavía no afirmada y la conformación de los estereotipos de género en torno al discurso de la separación de esferas. Imágenes que daban respuestas muchas veces divergentes a las circunstancias que distinguían a Maria Cristina de otros monarcas: era regente y no reina por derecho propio, era extranjera pero ocupaba el trono español y era mujer pero desempeñaba la más alta magistratura del país.

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Tese de doutoramento, Direito (Ciências Jurídico-Políticas), Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Direito, 2016

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The aim of this paper is to identify how the ethical-political foundation of human rights in John Rawls’s theory of justice makes use of a coherentist model of moral justification in which cognitivism, liberalism, pluralism, non-foundationalism, and mitigated intuititionism stand out, leading to a pragmatic model of foundation with public justification in The Law of Peoples (LP). The main idea is to think about the reasonableness of the universal defence of human rights as primary goods with the aspects follows: its political nature, not metaphysical; its theoretical coherentist model, non-foundationalist; its pragmatic function and its public justification.

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The recent presidential and early parliamentary elections in Macedonia are only one illustration of the country’s long-term political condition: illiberal democracy. What is needed is a re-think of the instruments and the manner in which major international actors could and should foster constitutional liberalism in Macedonia. While recognising that the primary and essential responsibility lies with Macedonians themselves, the author calls for support to establish the Macedonian state’s capacity for the legitimate exercise of power.

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This paper sets out a constructivist analytical framework and applies it to post-reunification German policy towards the European Union. Although the structural constraints facing Germany shifted dramatically with the end of the Cold War and reunification, the direction of its European policy did not. The more powerful Federal Republic continued to press for deeper economic and political integration, eschewing a more independent or assertive foreign policy course. Neorealism, neoliberalism, and liberalism cannot adequately explain this continuity in the face of structural change; a constructivist account centered around state identity can. During and after reunification, German leaders across the political spectrum identified the Federal Republic as part of an emergent supranational community. This European identity, with roots in the postwar decades, drove Germany's unflagging support for deeper integration across the 1989-90 divide.

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One of the important themes in the new institutionalism is the convergence of market regulations in a world with three powerful clusters of countries (Western Europe, North America, and East Asia) on a small number of regimes, like disorganized capitalism, free market capitalism, and coordinated market capitalism. This paper examines the political-economic theory of regulatory convergence. It reconstructs and compares three welfarist approaches: the optimal regulatory regime (Tinbergen), the rule of constitutional law (Buchanan), and regulatory rivalry (Hayek). The paper concludes that most plausible results of convergence theory are completely opposite to the expressed political intentions of the theorists. Tinbergen's theory predicts neoliberalism, not social democracy. The theories of Buchanan and Hayek predict respectively a consensual or spontaneous formation of corporatist regulations, not the return of classical constitutionalism or liberalism. The paper summons new institutionalists to repair the weak scientific elements of convergence theory and to make a distinction between the ideological origins of this theory and its unintended ideological consequences.

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Usually, Germany’s social market economy is understood to embody a compromise between a liberal market order and a corporatist welfare state. While this reading of the German case is certainly not entirely wrong, this paper argues that only if we account for the close intellectual correspondence between lutheran Protestantism and economic liberalism on the one hand and between Catholicism and welfare corporatism on the other, can we fully comprehend the nature of the German post-war compromise. In particular, this perspective allows to better explain the anti-liberal undercurrents of Germany’s soziale Marktwirtschaft. It was especially the role which Protestant Ordoliberals ascribed to the state in upholding economic order and market discipline which accounts for the major difference between ‘classic’ and ‘German-style’ economic liberalism. Yet, the postwar economic order did not represent a deliberately struck compromise between the two major Christian denominations. Rather, Germany’s social market economy was the result of the failure of German Protestant Ordoliberals to prevent the reconstruction of the catholic Bismarckian welfare state after the authoritarian solution, which Ordoliberals had endorsed so strongly up until 1936 and from which they had hoped the re-inauguration of Protestant hegemony, had so utterly failed. Since the ordoliberal doctrine up to the present day lacks a clear understanding of the role of the corporatist welfare state within the German political economy, its insights into the functioning logic of German capitalism have remained limit. The paper also claims that accounting for the denominational roots of the postwar compromise allows us to better understand the relationship between consociationalism and corporatism in ‘Modell Deutschland’.

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Includes bibliographical references.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Reprinted from the Daily news of August 11, 18, and 25, 1917.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Reprint of the 1911 ed. published by Fratelli Treves, Milan.

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Reproduction of the Rome 1876 ed.

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Vols 1-4 of the American edition published under title Handbook of Church history.