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The Ante-Nicene fathers : translations of the writings of the fathers down to A.D. 325 /

First published under title: Ante-Nicene Christian library, Edinburgh, 1867-97.

Making the 2004 Constitution of Afghanistan: A History and Analysis Through the Lens of Coordination and Deferral Theory

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06

Principles of Australian public law

In this relatively short book, David Clark sets out to fill what he perceives to be a gap in the presently available writing on Australian public law by achieving two distinct objectives. The first is to remedy 'one of the oddest limitations of current public law writing in Australia' by detailing the history and operation of the state and territory constitutions as well as their philosophical underpinnings. The other is to explore certain areas of federal public law, such as the laws applicable to the constitution and operation of the Commonwealth Parliament and non-judicial bodies such as the Ombudsman, which are often not dealt with in leading constitutional and administrative law texts. It is acknowledged by the author that attempting to cover such a wide range of topics is a 'high-wire act'. Fortunately, apart from one slight stumble, Clark manages to keep his balance and has produced a useful précis of a number of the institutions and concepts that are fundamental to the orderly functioning of Australian society.

A EVOLUÇÃO DO DIREITO À EDUCAÇAO NO BRASIL REPUBLICANO

Este trabalho investigativo tem como objetivo a análise da evolução do direito à educação nos textos constitucionais no Brasil republicano, por intermédio de uma pesquisa histórica em fontes documentais. O caminho da mediação jurídico-constitucional foi escolhido, em razão de permitir desvelar a relação entre educação, sociedade e Estado, considerando a possibilidade de apreender as limitações que este impõe a esse tipo de prática social, bem como compreender as condições materiais que efetivamente o Estado instaura de modo a favorecer a fruição do direito à educação. A análise do direito à educação no aparato jurídico-constitucional, a partir do enfoque sociológico, se fez pela abordagem dos conflitos de interesses presentes no momento da elaboração do texto constitucional, mediante a perspectiva teórica e metodológica proposta por Saes (2003a), no que se refere ao estudo das conexões existentes entre prática social e legislação educacional-constitucional. Este estudo foi construído, então, a partir dos seguintes eixos conceituais: educação como uma prática social inerente à existência humana, em sentido amplo, e da educação letrada como uma necessidade imposta pelo modo de organização das relações de produção na sociedade capitalista, segundo o proposto por Saviani (2004); configurada posteriormente como um direito, compreendido como um fenômeno histórico e social necessário ao funcionamento ou reprodução de um determinado tipo de sociedade, especialmente, no que diz respeito ao surgimento histórico da forma sujeito de direito, a constituição da personalidade jurídica, de acordo com o pensamento de Miaille (1994) e a construção da cidadania na ordem capitalista, como resultado das mudanças nas relações de autoridade entre o Estado e os indivíduos, conforme aporte teórico tomado de Bendix (1996), considerando a extensão, o alcance, a profundidade e a precisão da declaração do direito à educação, tomadas como categorias de estudo, variáveis presentes nas constituições adotadas nos Estados burgueses modernos, explicáveis pelos conflitos de interesses que atravessam a vida social

COMPETÊNCIAS LEITORAS E ESCRITORAS NA EDUCAÇÃO BÁSICA DE SÃO PAULO, CIDADANIA E IDEOLOGIA: UMA ABORDAGEM HISTÓRICO-POLÍTICA EXPLORATÓRIA

Esta pesquisa de pós-graduação em nível de Mestrado em Educação, pela Universidade Metodista de São Paulo, esforça-se em promover uma reflexão acerca das políticas públicas, desde a Constituição do Império em 1824 até a Constituição de 1988, que impediram o analfabeto de votar em relação com as políticas educacionais que propunham erradicar o analfabetismo no país, analisando, como um caso específico, a ideologia do trabalho por competências na rede pública estadual de São Paulo. A base conceitual-analítica é dada por teorias marxistas francesas contemporâneas, em particular de Althusser, com relação ao Aparelho Ideológico de Estado e estudos de Baudelot e Establet, tendo como hipótese que a escola pública operou e ainda opera em função dos interesses burgueses de produção. Está dividida em cinco capítulos, estruturalmente adequadas da seguinte forma: Introdução que apresenta o referencial teórico usado para a construção da reflexão proposta, à luz dos estudos de Althusser, Baudelot e Establet e Saes; os capítulos 1 e 2 trazem o esforço da busca histórica e legal das Constituições Brasileiras, do Império até 1988, trazendo sempre um breve histórico das épocas em que elas foram promulgadas, a fim de subsidiar o estudo e apresentar que a proibição do voto do analfabeto sempre esteve presente nas constituições, até 1985 com a Emenda Constitucional que declarava o voto do analfabeto como facultativo , sempre atrelado à situação de competências leitoras e escritoras para o exercício pleno da cidadania; o terceiro capítulo apresenta o levantamento histórico sobre os dados de analfabetismo no Brasil desde os anos de 1900 até o último dado do IBGE nos anos 2000, trazendo um referencial explicativo baseado nos estudos de história da educação de ROMANELLI e na tese de doutoramento do professor da USP, Celso de Rui Beisiegel, o que possibilitou traçar um panorama das políticas públicas da educação consoantes aos acontecimentos políticos e históricos; o quarto capítulo apresenta a Proposta Curricular do Estado de São Paulo (SEE/SP, 2008), possibilitando um breve panorama sobre essa política pública de educação na referida rede e o quinto capítulo apresenta uma reflexão das teorias e dados apresentados, no esforço de refletir a situação do ensino por competências, no caso o das leitoras e escritoras, sempre presentes no enfoque social e econômico do país com um olhar crítico ao analfabetismo e as políticas públicas de educação.

O PSC E A NOÇÃO DE “FAMÍLIA TRADICIONAL” COMO IDENTIDADE PARTIDÁRIA E RELIGIOSA: ANÁLISE DO PROCESSO ELEITORAL DE 2014

A presente dissertação analisa como o Partido Social Cristão (PSC), ao longo do tempo, se apropriou da identidade religiosa de seus atores políticos que na sua maioria são membros da Frente Parlamentar Evangélica, os quais defendem no espaço público a “família tradicional”, em detrimento da pluralidade de arranjos familiares na contemporaneidade. Para explicitar o objeto - “família tradicional” e PSC -, foi necessário retroceder no tempo e investigar na historiografia os primórdios da inserção dos evangélicos na política brasileira. Em vista disso, analisamos a participação dos evangélicos nos respectivos períodos do Brasil: Colônia, Império e República. A dificuldade da entrada de evangélicos na política partidária, dentre outros fatores, se deve àinfluência do catolicismo no Estado. Assim sendo, averiguamos em todas as Constituições (1824, 1891, 1934, 1937, 1946, 1967, 1969 e 1988) o que a mesma diz no que tange a proibição e a liberdade religiosa no país. Logo, verificamos entre as Eras Vargas e República Populista, que ocorreu com intensidade a transição do apoliticismo para o politicismo entre os evangélicos brasileiros, porém, eles não recebiam o apoio formal de suas igrejas. Em seguida, a participação dos evangélicos na arena política durante a ditadura militar foi investigada com destaque para o posicionamento de vanguarda da IECLB, através do Manifesto de Curitiba e, também com a presença de parlamentares evangélicos no Congresso Nacional. A politização pentecostal é ressaltada em nosso trabalho, através do pioneirismo de Manoel de Mello e, depois na Redemocratização quando as instituições evangélicas se organizaram para eleger seus candidatos à Assembleia Nacional Constituinte. E, com o fim do regime militar, o PSC surge como partido “nanico”, contudo, deixa o anonimato e ganha visibilidade midiática quando o pastor e deputado, Marco Feliciano, assume a presidência da Comissão de Direitos Humanos e Minorias, em 2013. Esse é o pano de fundo histórico que projetou o PSC e seus atores no pleito de 2014 com o mote “família tradicional”.

Analysis of plasmid profiles of Aeromonas salmonicida isolates by pulsed field gel electrophoresis

Plasmid constitutions of Aeromonas salmonicida isolates were characterised by flat-bed and pulsed field gel electrophoresis. Resolution of plasmids by pulsed field gel electrophoresis was greater and more consistent than that achieved by flat-bed gel electrophoresis. The number of plasmids separated by pulsed field gel electrophoresis varied between A. salmonicida isolates, with five being the most common number present in the isolates used in this study. Plasmid profiles were diverse and the reproducibility of the distances migrated facilitated the use of principal components analysis for the characterisation of the isolates. Isolates were grouped according to the number of plasmids supported. Further principal components analysis of groups of isolates supporting five and seven plasmids showed a spatial separation of plasmids based upon distance migrated. Principal components analysis of plasmid profiles and antimicrobial minimum inhibitory concentrations could not be correlated suggesting that resistance to antimicrobial agents is not associated with either one plasmid or a particular plasmid constitution.

Democratization of local government in Brazil : decentralisation and people's councils

This research studies two cases of implementation of alternative strategies for municipal government reform in Brazil, decentralisation and People's Councils. The aim is to answer the following general question: `Can decentralisation and People's Councils be a means for democratization of municipal government in Brazil?'. The hypothesis is that initiatives to reform Brazilian municipal governments face problems that are characteristic of the Brazilian political and administrative reality. These problems are considered obstacles for the development of those initiatives and accordingly, for democratization of municipal government in Brazil. After an introduction and outline in Chapter One, Chapter Two discusses four main theories concerning local government. Chapter Three discusses decentralisation and People's Councils are discussed in Chapter Four. Chapter Five presents a historical, political and economic overview of Brazil. Chapter Six deals with Brazilian Federalism and Municipal Government. The main aspects of the Municipal Government are presented as well as the development of municipal autonomy through the various Federal Constitutions and cases of People's Councils and decentralisation in municipalities in Brazil. Chapter Seven presents the political parties responsible for the initiatives, the PSDB (Brazilian Social Democratic Party) in the case of decentralisation, and the PT (Workers' Party) in the case of People's Councils. In Chapter Eight the research strategy and the data collection techniques are described. Chapters Nine and Ten present decentralisation implemented by the PSDB in Belo Horizonte, the Minas Gerais state capital and People's Councils introduced by the PT in the town of Ipatinga in the same state. Conclusions are presented in Chapter Eleven and include a comparison and discussion of the two cases. The thesis shows that these experiments with alternative strategies of local government face problems that are generally current in Brazilian political and administrative reality. Those problems are concerned with unwillingness to decentralise power, clientelism, low levels of participation of civil society and the `political' use of the structures implemented.

Lan American Coups: Have They Vanished or Taken New Shapes?

In the following pages, three well-known Latinoamericanists share their views on the current prospects for coups in Latin America. They are: Rut Diamint of the University Torcuatto de Tella in Buenos Aires, Argentina; Pablo Policzer of the University of Calgary in Canada; and Michael Shifter of the Inter-American Dialogue in Washington, DC. Each looks at the potential for coups from different perspectives but, all three come to similar conclusions. That is, that despite substantial gains in democracy, the threat of coups in Latin America remains latent. The authors agree that democracy is growing in the region. Opinion surveys such as the Americas Barometer consistently show that citizens in Latin America have gradually incorporated democracy as part of their core value system. Yet, the authors argue convincingly that Latin America faces new types of interruptions to its democratic process that should be considered coups, even if not following the traditional style of military coup that predominated in the past. Situations that have taken place in Peru, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Honduras and other countries serve to illustrate the new trends. More specifically, Professor Diamint argues that in Latin America a culture of intolerance, demonization of the opposition, and the utilization of any method to achieve power prevails. In a region with a very high threshold of violence, governments fail to set an example of establishing a culture of debate, consensus, and transparency. This culture is inclined to uncontrollable political expressions, preferring confrontational means to resolve conflict. Within this scenario, “messianic” solutions are promoted and coups cannot be discarded as an option that would never transpire. Professor Policzer looks more closely to the constitutional loopholes that allow for a transformation of limited into absolute power. He argues that coups can be constitutional or unconstitutional, and that a constitutional coup can occur when violations to democracy actually stem from the constitutions themselves. In Honduras, for example specific provisions in the Constitution itself created conditions for a constitutional crisis; similar provisions have also led to constitutional authoritarianism in Venezuela and other countries. Dr. Policzer stresses that when a head of state or the military take absolute power, even temporarily, based on provisions in their constitutions; they are in essence staging a constitutional coup. These blind spots in constitutions, he argues, may be more serious threat to democracy than that of traditional coups. Lastly, Dr. Shifter argues that some kind of coup should be expected in Latin America in coming years, not only because fundamental institutions remain weak in some countries, but because the regional political environment is less prepared to respond effectively to transgressions than it was a few years ago. The good news, however, is that only a handful of countries, show no interest in governing. The bad news is that in those few countries where situations are indeed shaky, they are also in some cases aggravated by rising food and fuel prices, and spreading criminality, which pose serious risks to the rule of law and democratic governance.

A cidadania no contexto do estado constitucional democrático de direito brasileiro

The citizenship is a fundamental category to the democratic progress and the development and concretization of human rights, in addition to being one of the essential foundations of democratic contextualized in the rule of law of the Federative Republic of Brazil. That’s exactly why the discussion about its concept and content is a paramount requirement to the understanding and interpretation-application-concretization of the Federal Constitution of 1988, as well as its democracy, since there is no democracy without citizenship. That is why the general objective of the research is to determine the characteristics of the citizenship, relating it to the Law, as well as to discuss (critically) its inclusion in the list of fundamental rights and delimitate the scope of protection and the limits of this right, in the context of Brazilian law post-1988 Constitution. The specific objectives are: a) to analyze the concept of citizenship, its extent and scope, contextualizing it historically; b) to examine the evolution of the legal and regulatory treatment of the citizenship in Brazilian constitutions, focusing on the 1988 Constitution; c) assess whether citizenship can be considered a fundamental right; d) to investigate which implications, theoretical and practical, of assignment fundamentality character to the right to citizenship. This research identifies and deconstructs current conceptual confusions, such as the lack of distinction between citizenship and nationality; citizenship and electoral capacity; citizenship and person. It also helps to identify and oppose the generalizations, as well as the excessively abstract associations which tend to purely metaphysical understandings, fluid and empty of any content. The main virtue, however, is the proposed of understanding of the citizenship as a fundamental right and the examination of the relationship between citizenship and human dignity. In this context, citizenship appears as a corollary of human dignity and it goes beyond. This (human dignity) requires equality, non-arbitraries, non-excessive, disproportionate or unreasonable impositions affecting their freedom rights, and, yet, doesn’t affect a minimum core of possibilities of have to a decent life, in conditions of freedom and self-conformation involved in the necessary consideration of the individual as a subject. All of this requires a decision-making process, molded by the citizenship, which reaches the entire development process of possible state interventions, to ensure the person as a subject, the right holder and the objective point of reference of the juridical relations. Thus, the citizenship represents a substantial and beneficial addition to the human dignity, since the emancipated citizen is a person, formally and materially, qualified, to be able to build their own and collectively organized history, to participate effectively in the making processes decision juridical and social

CONSTITUTIONAL JUSTICE IN AFRICA: An Examination of Constitutional Positivism, Fundamental Law and Rights in Ghana and Nigeria

This work explores the idea of constitutional justice in Africa with a focus on constitutional interpretation in Ghana and Nigeria. The objective is to develop a theory of constitutional interpretation based upon a conception of law that allows the existing constitutions of Ghana and Nigeria to be construed by the courts as law in a manner that best serves the collective wellbeing of the people. The project involves an examination of both legal theory and substantive constitutional law. The theoretical argument will be applied to show how a proper understanding of the ideals of the rule of law and constitutionalism in Ghana and Nigeria necessitate the conclusion that socio-economic rights in those countries are constitutionally protected and judicially enforceable. The thesis argues that this conclusion follows from a general claim that constitutions should represent a ‘fundamental law’ and must be construed as an aspirational moral ideal for the common good of the people. The argument is essentially about the inherent character of ‘legality’ or the ‘rule of law.’ It weaves together ideas developed by Lon Fuller, Ronald Dworkin, T.R.S. Allan and David Dyzenhaus, as well as the strand of common law constitutionalism associated with Sir Edward Coke, to develop a moral sense of ‘law’ that transcends the confines of positive or explicit law while remaining inherently ‘legal’ as opposed to purely moral or political. What emerges is an unwritten fundamental law of reason located between pure morality or natural law on the one hand and strict, explicit, or positive law on the other. It is argued that this fundamental law is, or should be, the basis of constitutional interpretation, especially in transitional democracies like Ghana and Nigeria, and that it grounds constitutional protection for socio-economic rights. Equipped with this theory of law, courts in developing African countries like Ghana and Nigeria will be in a better position to contribute towards developing a real sense of constitutional justice for Africa.

The institutional design of intra-party democracy through legal instruments: Turkish case

The importance of political parties for contemporary representative democracies is beyond dispute. Despite their significance for state-level democracy, political parties continue to be regarded as oligarchical and to be criticised because of their internal practices. For this reason, intra-party democracy (IPD) warrants in-depth analysis. This thesis investigates IPD in Turkey, primarily from the perspective of participatory democracy, with the purpose of suggesting reforms to the Turkish Political Parties Law (TPPL). Turkish political parties and Turkish party regulation provide an interesting case because there is a significant difference between mature democracies and Turkey regarding IPD regulation. IPD in established democracies has always been regarded as a private concern of parties and has been left unregulated. IPD in Turkey, by contrast, is provided for both by the constitution and the TPPL. Although IPD is a constitutional and legal requirement in Turkey, however, political parties in fact display a high level of non-democratic administration. The main reason is that the TPPL only pays lip service to the idea of IPD and requires no specific measures apart from establishing a party congress with a representative form of democracy. By establishing and holding party congresses, political parties are perceived as conforming to the requirements of IPD under the law. In addition, the contested nature of democracy as a concept has impeded the creation of efficacious legal principles. Thus, the existing party law fails to tackle the lack of IPD within political parties and, for this reason, is in need of reform. Furthermore, almost every Turkish party’s own constitution highlights the importance of IPD and promises IPD. However, these declared commitments to IPD in their constitutions alone, especially in countries where the democratic culture is weak, are unlikely to make much difference in practice. Accordingly, external regulation is necessary to ensure the protection of the rights and interests of the party members with regards to their participation in intra-party decision-making processes. Nevertheless, in spite of a general consensus in favour of reforming the TPPL, a lack of consensus exists as to what kind of reforms should be adopted. This thesis proposes that reforming the TPPL in line with an approach based on participatory democracy could provide better IPD within Turkish political parties, citing as evidence comparative case studies of the participatory practices for policy-making, leadership selection and candidate selection in mature democracies. This thesis also analyses membership registration and the effect of state funding on IPD, which are highly problematic in Turkey and represent impediments to the flourishing of IPD.

En torno a la fundamentación de la dignidad personal

Las trágicas experiencias de las guerras mundiales llevaron a la Declaración Universal de los Derechos Humanos promovida por la ONU en 1948. A partir de entonces gran parte de las Constituciones de nueva creación reconocen la inviolabilidad de la dignidad humana. Sin embargo, los redactores de la declaración pusieron empeño en omitir las razones teóricas en las que se fundan dichos derechos, por el temor a que diferencias teóricas aplazaran o hicieran inviable dicho reconocimiento. La fragmentación en la que se halla la antropología filosófica desde hace varios siglos está reclamando un principio unificador de los saberes en torno al ser humano. En este contexto la dignidad humana como experiencia universal se presenta como principio unificador. Seis décadas después sigue pendiente la elaboración de una sólida, y también universalmente aceptable, fundamentación de la dignidad humana y sus derechos fundamentales, cuestión complicada que parece requerir un nuevo avance en la ontología y en la antropología filosófica.

Cláusulas de apertura al derecho internacional de los Derechos Humanos: constituciones iberoamericanas

Las Constituciones iberoamericanas reflejan la preocupación de reconocer y garantizar a todos sus habitantes los derechos humanos fundamentales del ser humano, para lo cual integran dentro de su articulado cláusulas especiales donde reconocen la apertura a estos derechos. Para dicho reconocimiento cada Estado elige los principios y elementos que considera esenciales, y que dentro de esta reflexión se han denominado elementos básicos de las cláusulas de apertura. El análisis comparativo parte precisamente de estos puntos que mencionan casi todos los textos constitutivos de Iberoamérica.