A Participação da Marinha Grande no 18 de Janeiro de 1934

Portugal viveu um dos períodos mais sombrios da sua História no Século XX, com o regime autoritário liderado por António de Oliveira Salazar, que governou o país com «mão de ferro» durante mais de três décadas, concretamente entre 1933 e 1968, uma vez que se considera que há alteração de regime sempre que muda o referencial e a Constituição do Estado Novo é de 1933. Para além da ausência de democracia e liberdade, o povo português conviveu com a fome e a ignorância durante décadas, foi perseguido e torturado nas prisões continentais e ultramarinas, nomeadamente no Tarrafal, que se localiza no arquipélago de Cabo Verde. Em 18 de janeiro de 1934, o movimento operário português saiu à rua em várias cidades e vilas de Portugal, entre as quais a Marinha Grande. Na origem do movimento revolucionário esteve a decisão do Presidente do Conselho, através da Constituição de 1933, de impedir o funcionamento de sindicatos livres. Contudo, aquela que se previa ser unicamente uma greve geral contra a decisão do regime acabou por ir mais além, sobretudo na cidade vidreira, onde o quartel da GNR foi tomado, tal como a estação dos Correios, existindo ainda hoje dúvidas sobre a constituição de um soviete. Mais de sete décadas após o ato insurrecional continua muito por esclarecer. Esta Dissertação visa, precisamente, obter respostas a questões tão diversas como quem esteve realmente por detrás do 18 de janeiro de 1934 na Marinha Grande, que consequências teve para a política do Estado Novo e, finalmente, que importância teve na conjuntura. Importa ainda esclarecer por que razão esta derrota do movimento operário português é hoje recordada, com pompa e circunstância, na Marinha Grande, como se tivesse sido uma vitória. De facto, na atualidade, fala-se de uma jornada heroica, mas o Partido Comunista Português praticamente ignorou esse movimento até abril de 1974 e o seu líder à época, Bento Gonçalves (1971, p. 138), apelidou-o de “anarqueirada”.

Vuelta de tuerca: insurgencia política y epistémica de los movimientos sociales en Bolivia (Tema Central)

El artículo tiene el propósito de reflexionar sobre el (re)surgimiento de la acción colectiva en forma de (nuevos) movimientos sociales en Bolivia, más allá de su posición contestaria a los modelos hegemónicos en boga. Estos movimientos no solo se convirtieron en sujetos políticos-ideológicos con capacidad de generar propuestas alternativas a los modelos hegemónicos, sino con la capacidad epistémica de cuestionar los supuestos básicos del orden hegemónico.

Movimientos sociales, activismo intelectual y luchas del lugar: conversación con Arturo Escobar, profesor de antropología de la Universidad de North Carolina, Chapel Hill y director del Instituto de Estudios Latinoamericanos de esta misma institución (Entrevista)

Esta conversación fue parte de un video-conferencia entre profesores y estudiantes del doctorado en Estudios Culturales Latinoamericanos de la Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, Sede Ecuador y Arturo Escobar, el 13 de septiembre de 2006, dentro del marco de discusión planteado en el seminario sobre movimientos sociales titulado: Insurgencias Colectivas en perspectiva Histórico-Mundial.

Las independencias: [respuesta al cuestionario de Manuel Chust] (Dossier: Bicentenario, rastros y revelaciones de la Independencia)

Enrique Ayala es entrevistado por el historiador catalán Manuel Chust sobre la independencia de Hispanoamérica. Ayala plantea que la crisis de 1808 afectó la economía de la metrópoli, pero también posibilitó cambios en las relaciones de poder en las colonias: fue instalándose el control de los señores criollos sobre la tierra y de los comerciantes sobre las economías locales y regionales, la burocracia española debilitada conservó solo el manejo político, lo cual favoreció a las clases dominantes locales. Insiste en que las independencias deben ser vistas como procesos, cuyo éxito fue posible al convocarse a los actores populares e integrarse los esfuerzos de diversas colonias. Visualizar eso, afirma, fue uno de los mayores aportes de Simón Bolívar. Finalmente, no se llega a la Independencia por actos de personalidades determinantes, sino por el peso de protagonistas colectivos: notables criollos, grandes latifundistas y comerciantes de los puertos de primer orden, jefes de los ejércitos e intelectuales, la jerarquía de la Iglesia, y el apoyo británico a los insurgentes.

Política y conflictividad en Bolivia (Coyuntura)

Después de las movilizaciones masivas del 2000 al 2005 que llevaron a Evo Morales y su partido a la presidencia se esperaba una incorporación positiva de los sectores populares, campesinos e indígenas a la arena política. Este artículo analiza por qué en su segundo gobierno (2010-2014) esa expectativa cedió paso a una creciente conflictividad con importantes movimientos sociales que lo llevaron al poder. Argumenta que la priorización de políticas de Estado generó fuertes tensiones en la amplia y heterogénea coalición social surgida de las luchas antineoliberales.

The effect of environmental change on human migration

The influence of the environment and environmental change is largely unrepresented in standard theories of migration, whilst recent debates on climate change and migration focus almost entirely on displacement and perceive migration to be a problem. Drawing on an increasing evidence base that has assessed elements of the influence of the environment on migration, this paper presents a new framework for understanding the effect of environmental change on migration. The framework identifies five families of drivers which affect migration decisions: economic, political, social, demographic and environmental drivers. The environment drives migration through mechanisms characterised as the availability and reliability of ecosystem services and exposure to hazard. Individual migration decisions and flows are affected by these drivers operating in combination, and the effect of the environment is therefore highly dependent on economic, political, social and demographic context. Environmental change has the potential to affect directly the hazardousness of place. Environmental change also affects migration indirectly, in particular through economic drivers, by changing livelihoods for example, and political drivers, through affecting conflicts over resources, for example. The proposed framework, applicable to both international and internal migration, emphasises the role of human agency in migration decisions, in particular the linked role of family and household characteristics on the one hand, and barriers and facilitators to movement on the other in translating drivers into actions. The framework can be used to guide new research, assist with the evaluation of policy options, and provide a context for the development of scenarios representing a range of plausible migration futures.

En attendant Sarko? France’s mainstream Right and Centre, 2012-2014

In winning the municipal elections of March 2014, France’s mainstream opposition – the Centrists and the Union pour un Mouvement Populaire (UMP) – benefited not only from the unpopularity of the Left in power, but also from its own (partial) reconstruction. The Centrists had reorganised; the UMP had reaffirmed its right-wing programme and drawn strength from the opposition social movements launched in 2013. The European elections of 2014, however, demonstrated the limitations of this reconstruction. Their weak institutionalisation – the original sin of France’s Right and centre-Right – left internal ideological differences and (above all) personal rivalries unchecked within both forces. These tensions were compounded, in the UMP, by a series of financial scandals. At their heart was former president Nicolas Sarkozy, still the activists’ darling, ever more clearly a candidate for 2017, but also more hobbled by judicial investigations.

The diffusion of the Transition Network in four European countries

The Transition Network exemplifies the potential of social movements to create spaces of possibility for alternatives to emerge in the interstices of mainstream, neoliberal economies. Yet, little work has been carried out so far on the Transition Network or other grassroots innovations for sustainability in a way that reveals their actual patterns of diffusion. This graphic of the diffusion of the Transition Network visualises its spatial structure and compare diffusion patterns across Italy, France, Great Britain and Germany. The graphics show that the number of transition initiatives in the four countries has steadily increased over the past eight years, but the rate of increase has slowed down in all countries. The maps clearly show that in all four countries the diffusion of the Transition Network has not been spatially even. The graphic suggests that in each country transition initiatives are more likely to emerge in some geographical areas (hotspots) than in others (cold spots). While the existence of a spatial structure of the Transition Network may result from the combination of place-specific factors and diffusion mechanisms, these graphics illustrate the importance of better comprehending where grassroots innovations emerge.

Lek och empowerment : de alternativa rummens roll i sociala rörelser

Play and empowerment: the role of alternative spaces in social movements The article examines the role played by alternative space in social movements and argues that it plays a crucial role in counter-acting feelings of powerlessness and facilitating the empowerment of subaltern groups. Alternative space is defined – using Benjamin’s notions ofshock, nature and history – as constituted by forms of interaction in which society is made to appear as history. To facilitate empowerment, alternative space must, firstly, provide a place for subaltern groups in which they are no longer subordinated; secondly, instill hope that social change is possible and encourage such change; and, thirdly, expand or consolidate alternative space itself. These tasks can easily enter into conflict with each other, since they sometimes appear to require alternative space to adopt more ”abstract” forms of interaction in which aspects of the social situation are bracketed and sometimes more ”concrete”ones in which such aspects are again given attention. In order to study how movements may relate to this difficulty, the article looks at three contemporary Japanese social movements with NAM, New Start / New Start Kansai and the General Freeter Union as central organizations. Only the third successfully combines the three tasks, in large measure through its skillful use of the play-element.

Publikdragande namn eller aktivistermed drag i? : Om symboliskt kapital som maktresurs i den globala rättviserörelsens lokala organiseringsarbete

Crowd-pulling names or energetic activists? On symbolic capital as a power resource in the local organizational work within the global justice movement The article explores the global emergence of local Social Forums by means of an ethnographic study of the organization of the Stockholm Social Forum. In international academic debate, the forums are often discussed as a “globalization from below” and a new deliberative democratic process. However, empirical research on the organizational process, and its power relations, has been very limited. The theoretical concept symbolic capital (Bourdieu) and concepts from conversation analysis (CA) are used to analyze how power in terms of priority of interpretation is constructed in conversations between activists with differing political backgrounds. A detailed empirical analysis is based on the case of an internal discussion about inviting keynote speakers to the local forum. The results show how transnational networks and specific knowledge about the global social forum process became symbolic capital in the organizational process. Holders of this specific form of symbolic capital gained priority of interpretation in the internal discussions. This had an impact on the practical outcome of the organizational process in terms of the symbolic framing of the Social Forum. It is argued that the social forum process produces specific forms of cultural distinctions, social hierarchies and patterns of exclusion.