Development of a social service in a multi-party network

Tämän pro gradu-tutkimuksen tarkoituksena oli tutkia monen toimijan sosiaalipalvelukehittäjäverkoston toimivuutta ja sen toimivuuteen vaikuttavia tekijöitä. Aihetta lähestyttiin erilaisten teoreettisten kokonaisuuksien kautta, joiden avulla saatiin luotua tutkimukselle pohja. Viitekehys tutkimukselle luotiin yhdistäen erilaisia teoreettisia aihealueita verkostoista, verkostojen johtamisesta ja palveluista. Tutkimuksessa korostuu motivaation, yhteisen, tarpeeseen perustuvan tavoitteen, sitoutumisen ja orkestroinnin merkitys verkostotoiminnassa hyvän lopputuloksen aikaansaamiseksi. Tutkimuksen empiirisessä osuudessa tehty kvalitatiivinen case-tutkimus keskittyy tiettyyn verkostoon, joka on Socomin koordinoimana kehittänyt Kaakkois-Suomen alueelle uudenlaista sosiaalipalvelua liittyen henkilökohtaiseen apuun. Verkosto on monen toimijan verkosto, jonka jäsenet edustavat erilaisia tahoja ja organisaatioita. Tutkimuksen perusteella verkosto on toiminut hyvin ja tehokkaasti ja saanut luotua toimivan sosiaalipalvelun. Verkosto tukee kirjallisuuskatsauksessa löydettyjen tekijöiden, kuten verkosto-orkestroinnin, sitoutumisen ja yhteisen päämäärän, vaikutusta verkoston toimintaan ja lopputulokseen.

The Finnish Paper Workers' Union at a crossroads: Labor union representativeness in a changing environment, 1980-2008

This thesis consists of four articles and an introductory section. The main research questions in all the articles refer to the changes in the representativeness of the Finnish Paper Workers' Union. Representativeness stands for the entire entity of external, internal, legal and reputational factors that enable the labor union to represent its members and achieve its goals. This concept is based on an extensive reading of quantitative and qualitative industrial relations literature, which includes works based on Marxist labor-capital relations (such as Hyman's industrial relations studies), and more recent union density studies as well as gender- and ethnic diversity-based 'union revitalization' studies. Müller-Jentsch's German studies of industrial relations have been of particular importance as well as Streeck's industrial unionism and technology studies. The concept of representativeness is an attempt to combine the insights of these diverse strands of literature and bring the scientific discussion of labor unions back to the core of a union's function: representing its members. As such, it can be seen as a theoretical innovation. The concept helps to acknowledge both the heterogeneity of the membership and the totality of a labor union organization. The concept of representativeness aims to move beyond notions of 'power'. External representativeness can be expressed through the position of the labor union in the industrial relations system and the economy. Internal representativeness focuses on the aspects of labor unions that relate to the function of the union as an association with members, such as internal democracy. Legal representativeness lies in the formal legal position of the union – its rights and instruments. This includes collective bargaining legislation, co-decision rules and industrial conflict legislation. Reputational representativeness is related to how the union is seen by other actors and the general public, and can be approximated using data on strike activity. All these aspects of representativeness are path-dependent, and show the results of previous struggles over issues. The concept of representativeness goes beyond notions of labor union power and symbolizes an attempt to bring back the focus of industrial relations studies to the union's basic function of representing its members. The first article shows in detail the industrial conflict of the Finnish paper industry in 2005. The intended focus was the issue of gender in the negotiations over a new collective agreement, but the focal point of the industrial conflict was the issue of outsourcing and how this should be organized. Also, the issue of continuous shifts as an issue of working time was very important. The drawn-out conflict can be seen as a struggle over principles, and under pressure the labor union had to concede ground on the aforementioned issues. The article concludes that in this specific conflict, the union represented its' female members to a lesser extent, because the other issues took such priority. Furthermore, because of the substantive concessions. the union lost some of its internal representativeness, and the stubbornness of the union may have even harmed the reputation of the union. This article also includes an early version of the representativeness framework, through which this conflict is analyzed. The second article discusses wage developments, union density and collective bargaining within the context of representativeness. It is shown that the union has been able to secure substantial benefits for its members, regardless of declining employment. Collective agreements have often been based on centralized incomes policies, but the paper sector has not always joined these. Attention is furthermore paid to the changing competition of the General Assembly, with a surprisingly strong position of the Left Alliance still. In an attempt to replicate analysis of union density measures, an analysis of sectoral union density shows that similar factors as in aggregate data influence this measure, though – due to methodological issues – the results may not be robust. On this issue, it can be said that the method of analysis for aggregate union density is not suitable for sectoral union density analysis. The increasingly conflict-ridden industrial relations predicted have not actually materialized. The article concludes by asking whether the aim of ever-increasing wages is a sustainable one in the light of the pressures of globalization, though wage costs are a relatively small part of total costs. The third article discusses the history and use of outsourcing in the Finnish paper industry. It is shown using Hyman's framework of constituencies that over time, the perspective of the union changed from 'members of the Paper Workers' Union' to a more specific view of who is a core member of the union. Within the context of the industrial unionism that the union claims to practice, this is an important change. The article shows that the union more and more caters for a core group, while auxiliary personnel is less important to the union's identity and constituencies, which means that the union's internal representativeness has decreased. Maintenance workers are an exception; the union and employers have developed a rotating system that increases the efficient allocation of these employees. The core reason of the exceptional status of maintenance personnel is their high level of non-transferable skills. In the end it is debatable whether the compromise on outsourcing solves the challenges facing the industry. The fourth article shows diverging discourses within the union with regard to union-employer partnership for competitiveness improvements and instruments of local union representatives. In the collective agreement of 2008, the provision regulating wage effects of significant changes in the organization or content of work was thoroughly changed, though this mainly reflected decisions by the Labor Court on the pre-2008 version of the provision. This change laid bare the deep rift between the Social Democratic and Left Alliance (ex-Communist) factions of the union. The article argues that through the changed legal meaning of the provision, the union was able to transform concession bargaining into a basis for partnership. The internal discontent about this issue is nonetheless substantial and a threat to the unity of the union, both locally and at the union level. On the basis of the results of the articles, other factors influencing representativeness, such as technology and EU law and an overview of the main changes in the Finnish paper industry, it is concluded that, especially in recent years, the Finnish Paper Workers' Union has lost some of its representativeness. In particular, the loss of the efficiency of strikes is noted, the compromise on outsourcing which may have alienated a substantial part of the union's membership, and the change in the collective agreement of 2008 have caused this decline. In the latter case, the internal disunion on that issue shows the constraints of the union's internal democracy. Furthermore, the failure of the union to join the TEAM industrial union (by democratic means), the internal conflicts and a narrow focus on its own sector may also hurt the union in the future, as the paper industry in Finland is going through a structural change. None of these changes in representativeness would have been so drastic without the considerable pressure of globalization - in particular changing markets, changing technology and a loss of domestic investments to foreign investments, which in the end have benefited the corporations more than the Finnish employees of these corporations. Taken together, the union risks becoming socially irrelevant in time, though it will remain formally very strong on the basis of its institutional setting and financial situation.

Networks and partnerships in third party logistics service production

Third party logistics, and third party logistics providers and the services they offer have grown substantially in the last twenty years. Even though there has been extensive research on third party logistics providers, and regular industry reviews within the logistics industry, a closer research in the area of partner selection and network models in the third party logistics industry is missing. The perspective taken in this study was of expanding the network research into logistics service providers as the focal firm in the network. The purpose of the study is to analyze partnerships and networks in the third party logistics industry in order to define how networks are utilized in third party logistics markets, what have been the reasons for the partnerships, and whether there are benefits for the third party logistics provider that can be achieved through building networks and partnerships. The theoretical framework of this study was formed based on common theories in studying networks and partnerships in accordance with models of horizontal and vertical partnerships. The theories applied to the framework and context of this study included the strategic network view and the resource-based view. Applying these two network theories to the position and networks of third party logistics providers in an industrial supply chain, a theoretical model for analyzing the horizontal and vertical partnerships where the TPL provider is in focus was structured. The empirical analysis of TPL partnerships consisted of a qualitative document analysis of 33 partnership examples involving companies present in the Finnish TPL markets. For the research, existing documents providing secondary data on types of partnerships, reasons for the partnerships, and outcomes of the partnerships were searched from available online sources. Findings of the study revealed that third party logistics providers are evident in horizontal and vertical interactions varying in geographical coverage and the depth and nature of the relationship. Partnership decisions were found to be made on resource based reasons, as well as from strategic aspects. The discovered results of the partnerships in this study included cost reduction and effectiveness in the partnerships for improving existing services. In addition in partnerships created for innovative service extension, differentiation, and creation of additional value were discovered to have emerged as results of the cooperation. It can be concluded that benefits and competitive advantage can be created through building partnerships in order to expand service offering and seeking synergies.

Induction of interleukin-10 by HIV antigens in peripheral mononuclear cells of health care workers after occupational exposure to HIV-1-positive blood

Evaluation of HIV-induced IL-2 production by peripheral blood mononuclear cells (PBMC) and HIV-specific T helper and cytotoxic T lymphocyte (CTL) responses in health care workers (HCW) occupationally exposed to HIV reveals a high rate of response to HIV among non-seroconverters. IL-10 is also known to interfere with HIV infection in vitro. To evaluate the induction of IL-10 by HIV antigens in HCW occupationally exposed to HIV, 18 HCW with percutaneous injury were enrolled in this study, 9 of them exposed to HIV-contaminated blood, and 9 exposed to HIV-negative blood. PBMC were incubated on plates coated with HIV-1 antigens, and IL-10 was measured in supernatants by ELISA. Five of nine HCW exposed to HIV-contaminated blood presented HIV-induced IL-10. Two of nine HCW exposed to HIV-negative source patients also had detectable levels of HIV-induced IL-10, one of them in the sample obtained on the day of accidental exposure. There was a relationship between the type of device involved in injury and IL-10 production. Individuals exposed to hollow needles or scalpels presented HIV-induced IL-10, whereas those exposed to solid needles and to digital puncture did not, suggesting a relationship between infectious load and IL-10. Although occupational exposure to HIV leads to a low rate of seroconversion, these individuals can develop an antigen-specific immune response characterized in our study by induction of IL-10 in PBMC in vitro.

Identification of rounded atelectasis in workers exposed to asbestos by contrast helical computed tomography

Rounded atelectasis (RA) is a benign and unusual form of subpleural lung collapse that has been described mostly in asbestos-exposed workers. This form of atelectasis manifests as a lung nodule and can be confused with bronchogenic carcinoma upon conventional radiologic examination. The objective of the present study was to evaluate the variation in contrast uptake in computed tomography for the identification of asbestos-related RA in Brazil. Between January 1998 and December 2000, high-resolution computed tomography (HRCT) was performed in 1658 asbestos-exposed workers. The diagnosis was made in nine patients based on a history of prior asbestos exposure, the presence of characteristic (HRCT) findings and lesions unchanged in size over 2 years or more. In three of them the diagnosis was confirmed during surgery. The dynamic contrast enhancement study was modified to evaluate nodules and pulmonary masses. All nine patients with RA received iodide contrast according to weight. The average enhancement after iodide contrast was infused, reported as Hounsfield units (HU), increased from 62.5 ± 9.7 to 125.4 ± 20.7 (P < 0.05), with a mean enhancement of 62.5 ± 19.7 (range 40 to 89) and with a uniform dense opacification. In conclusion, in this study all patients with RA showed contrast enhancement with uniform dense opacification. The main clinical implication of this finding is that this procedure does not permit differentiation between RA and malignant pulmonary neoplasm.

Bwin.Party Digital Entertainment PLC:n tuloksen muodostumisen muutokset ja niiden yhteys yhtiön markkina-arvoon

Kandidaatintutkielmani aiheena on vuonna 1997 perustettu uhkapeliyhtiö Party Gaming PLC ja vuoden 2011 yritysfuusion jälkeen Bwin.Party Digital Entertainment PLC. Tutkielmani tavoitteena on tutkia yhtiön tuloksen muodostumista ajanjaksolla 2005-2012 ja verrata tuloksenteon muodostumista ja sen muutosta yhtiön markkina-arvon muutoksiin.

Modifications of the sympathetic skin response in workers chronically exposed to lead

The long-term effects of low-level lead intoxication are not known. The sympathetic skin response (SSR) was evaluated in a group of 60 former workers of a primary lead smelter, located in Santo Amaro, BA, Brazil. The individuals participating in the study were submitted to a clinical-epidemiological evaluation including questions related to potential risk factors for intoxication, complaints related to peripheral nervous system (PNS) involvement, neurological clinical examination, and also to electromyography and nerve conduction studies and SSR evaluation. The sample consisted of 57 men and 3 women aged 34 to 69 years (mean ± SD: 46.8 ± 6.9). The neurophysiologic evaluation showed the presence of lumbosacral radiculopathy in one of the individuals (1.7%), axonal sensorimotor polyneuropathy in 2 (3.3%), and carpal tunnel syndrome in 6 (10%). SSR was abnormal or absent in 12 cases, representing 20% of the sample. More than half of the subjects (53.3%) reported a history of acute abdominal pain requiring hospitalization during the period of work at the plant. A history of acute palsy of radial and peroneal nerves was reported by about 16.7 and 8.3% of the individuals, respectively. Mean SSR amplitude did not differ significantly between patients presenting or not the various characteristics in the current neurological situation, except for diaphoresis. The results suggest that chronic lead intoxication induces PNS damage, particularly affecting unmyelinated small fibers. Further systematic study is needed to more precisely define the role of lead in inducing PNS injury.

Cleavages in contemporary Finland : a study on party-voter ties

Cleavages have been central in understanding the relationship between political parties and voters but the credibility of cleavage approach has been increasingly debated. This is because of decreasing party loyalty, fewer ideological differences between the parties and general social structural change amongst other factors. By definition, cleavages arise when social structural groups recognize their clashing interests, which are reflected in common values and attitudes, and vote for parties that are dedicated to defend the interests of the groups concerned. This study assesses relevance of cleavage approach in the Finnish context. The research problem in this study is “what kind of a cleavage structure exists in Finland at the beginning of the 21st century? Finland represents a case that has traditionally been characterized by a strong and diverse cleavage structure, notable ideological fragmentation in the electorate and an ideologically diverse party system. Nevertheless, the picture of the party-voter ties in Finland still remains incomplete with regard to a thorough analysis of cleavages. In addition, despite the vast amount of literature on cleavages in political science, studies that thoroughly analyze national cleavage structures by assessing the relationship between social structural position, values and attitudes and party choice have been rare. The research questions are approached by deploying statistical analyses, and using Finnish National Election Studies from 2003, 2007 and 2011as data. In this study, seven different social structural cleavage bases are analyzed: native language, type of residential area, occupational class, education, denomination, gender and age cohorts. Four different value/attitudinal dimensions were identified in this study: economic right and authority, regional and socioeconomic equality, sociocultural and European Union dimensions. This study shows that despite the weak overall effect of social structural positions on values and attitudes, a few rather strong connections between them were identified. The overall impact of social structural position and values and attitudes on party choice varies significantly between parties. Cleavages still exist in Finland and the cleavage structure partly reflects the old basis in the Finnish party system. The cleavage that is based on the type of residential area and reflected in regional and socioeconomic equality dimensions concerns primarily the voters of the Centre Party and the Coalition Party. The linguistic cleavage concerns mostly the voters of the Swedish People’s Party. The classic class cleavage reflected in the regional and socioeconomic equality dimension concerns in turn first and foremost the blue-collar voters of the Left Alliance and the Social Democratic Party, the agricultural entrepreneur voters of the Centre Party and higher professional and manager voters of the Coalition Party. The conflict with the most potential as a cleavage is the one based on social status (occupational class and education) and it is reflected in sociocultural and EU dimensions. It sets the voters of the True Finns against the voters of the Green League and the Coalition Party. The study underlines the challenges the old parties have met after the volatile election in 2011, which shook the cleavage structure. It also describes the complexity involved in the Finnish conflict structure and the multidimensionality in the electoral competition between the parties.

The Construction of ‘Disciplinary’ Violence Against Children — Social Workers’, Police Officers’ and Parents’ Rationales

This dissertation examines parental disciplinary violence against children in authority records and in the criminal procedure in Finland. The main aim is to analyze disciplinary violence, how it is defined, and how it is constructed as a crime by social workers, the police, and parents. This dissertation consists of four sub-studies and a summary article. In the first sub-study, I examine how disciplinary violence appears in child welfare documents and analyze the decision-making processes and measures taken by the child welfare workers. The second sub-study, utilizing police interview data, examines police officers’ perceptions of disciplinary violence, its criminalization, and its investigation. In addition to this analysis of police officers’ own perceptions, in the third sub-study, I use reports of crime and pre-trial investigation documents to look at what a typical suspicion of disciplinary violence coming to the attention of the police is and examine the decision-making processes of the police. Utilizing authority data, the fourth sub-study analyzes how parents rationalize the use of disciplinary violence to the authorities investigating these suspicions. The research provides findings that are unprecedented in Finland. Firstly, it was shown that social workers’ decision-making processes in suspicions of disciplinary violence follow three pathways of reasoning, with many factors taken into consideration; and in less than one-third of the cases, a request for criminal investigation has been made to the police. Secondly, it was verified that police officers hold different perceptions of disciplinary violence, and these perceptions have multiple effects on the investigation of these cases and the construction of disciplinary violence as a crime. Thirdly, the analysis of the reports of crime and pre-trial investigation documents showed that almost two-thirds of the cases of disciplinary violence had been sent to a prosecutor by the police and, thus, defined as a crime. However, in many cases, acts of disciplinary violence were often seen as ‘educational, petty one-off incidents’ and a possible trial and punishment for the perpetrator were seen as unreasonable. Fourthly, it was found that parents often try to neutralize and rationalize the violence they have used against their children, for example, either by denying the victim, the criminal intent, or the entire act, or relying on the necessity of the forbidden act. The dissertation concludes that disciplinary violence is defined and constructed in authority policies and practices, first and foremost, by the severity of the act, the nature of the act as continuous or singular, the perceived harm caused by the act to a child, and the perceptions of authorities regarding physical punishment of children. The asymmetrical power setting present in disciplinary violence and parents’ legitimized right to raise and discipline their children partly seem to explain why criminal-law processing of these suspicions of violence and understanding these as crimes is difficult. Finally, this research calls for more coherent and consistent authority practices and policies, achieved by educating authorities and increasing awareness on disciplinary violence, questions the need for a concept like ‘disciplinary’ violence, and suggests more emphasis on unambiguous perceptions of a child’s best interest.

O social no governo Lula: a construção de um novo populismo em tempos de aplicação de uma agenda neoliberal

The purpose of this paper is to discuss the main characteristics of new Lula's government support. The paper's hypothesis concentrates in the idea of starting a different political approach, "a new populism". The paper argues that Lula's government to keep in power, beyond of going on with the neoliberal project - unfinished in the last years of FHC government -, needs to build up a solid and trustful political support, which is being done by implementing income transfer programs directed to poor people and the ones with less organization experience. This paper also calls the attention to Lula's government nature, in order to clarify the difficulties which should be dealt and the tasks to be developed in building up a political party that defends workers emancipation and Brazilians exploited.

Mr [James] O'Grady arrivant à Caxton Hall [membre du Parlement anglais et secrétaire de la National Federation of General Workers] : [photographie de presse] / [Agence Rol]

Référence bibliographique : Rol, 56233

Grève des cheminots anglais, Mr Arthur Henderson [secrétaire du Labor party] quittant Caxton Hall : [photographie de presse] / [Agence Rol]

Référence bibliographique : Rol, 56234