437 resultados para RACISM


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In 1996, the authors of the Canadian Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples concluded Canadian educational policy had been based on the false assumption of the superiority of European worldviews. The report authors recommended the transformation of curriculum and schools to recognize that European knowledge was not universal. Aboriginal researcher Battiste believes the current system of Canadian education causes Aboriginal children to face cognitive imperialism and cognitive assimilation and that this current practice of cultural racism in Canada makes educational institutions a hostile environment for Aboriginal learners. In order to counter this cultural racism, Battiste calls for the decolonization of education. In 2005, the president of Northwest Community College (NWCC), publicly committed to decolonizing the college in order to address the continuing disparity in educational attainment between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal learners. Upon the president’s departure in 2010, the employees of NWCC were left to define for themselves the meaning of decolonization. This qualitative study was designed to build a NWCC definition of colonization and decolonization by collecting researcher observations, nine weeks of participant blog postings, and pre and post blog Word survey responses drawn from a purposeful sample of six Aboriginal and six non-Aboriginal NWCC employees selected from staff, instructor and administrator employee groups. The findings revealed NWCC employees held multiple definitions of colonization and decolonization which did not vary between employee groups, or based on participant gender; however, differences were found based on whether the participants were Aboriginal or non-Aboriginal. Both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal participants thought decolonization was a worthy goal for the college. Aboriginal participants felt hopeful that decolonization would happen in the future and thought decolonization had to do with moving forward to a time when they would be valued, respected, empowered, unashamed, safe, and viewed as equal to non-Aboriginals. Non-Aboriginal participants were unsure if decolonization was possible because it would require going back in time to restore the Aboriginal way of life. When non-Aboriginal participants felt their thoughts were not being valued or they were being associated with colonialism, they felt angry and guarded and were uncomfortable with Aboriginal participants expressing anger towards Colonizers.

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Design embeds ideas in communication and artefacts in subtle and psychologically powerful ways. Sociologist Pierre Bourdieu coined the term ‘symbolic violence’ to describe how powerful ideologies, priorities, values and even sensibilities are constructed and reproduced through cultural institutions, processes and practices. Through symbolic violence, individuals learn to consider unjust conditions as natural and even come to value customs and ideas that are oppressive. Symbolic violence normalises structural violence and enables real violence to take place, often preceding it and later justifying it. Feminist, class, race and indigenous scholars and activists describe how oppressions (how patriarchy, racism, colonialism, etc.) exist within institutions and structures, and also within cultural practices that embed ideologies into everyday life. The theory of symbolic violence sheds light on how design can function to naturalise oppressions and then obfuscate power relations around this process. Through symbolic violence, design can function as an enabler for the exploitation of certain groups of people and the environment they (and ultimately ‘we’) depend on to live. Design functions as symbolic violence when it is involved with the creation and reproduction of ideas, practices, tools and processes that result in structural and other types of violence (including ecocide). Breaking symbolic violence involves discovering how it works and building capacities to challenge and transform dysfunctional ideologies, structures and institutions. This conversation will give participants an opportunity to discuss, critique and/or develop the theory of design as symbolic violence as a basis for the development of design strategies for social justice.

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While debates rage about educational inequality and the best way to tackle attainment gaps, a pervasive form of inschool segregation is going largely unremarked upon. Internal behaviour support units have become common fixtures in British schools. Young people may be removed from mainstream classrooms for weeks, months or even years to undergo rehabilitative programmes that incur little monitoring or oversight. This original book is the first to provide a detailed insight into the politics and practices of internal school exclusion, highlighted through the experiences of the young people attending the units. Ambitious in its scope, it draws on intensive ethnographic research with pupils, their teachers and parents to address broad questions around social justice, equal opportunities and institutional racism. It will appeal to students, researchers and practitioners in education, social policy, sociology and beyond.

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The intersection of gender, welfare and immigration regimes has been one of the main focus of a rich scholarship on paid domestic work in Europe. This article brings into the discussion the nexus of employment and immigration law regimes to reflect on the role of legal regulation in structuring and reducing the vulnerability of domestic workers. I analyse this nexus by looking at the cases of Cyprus and Spain, two states falling under the cluster of Southern Mediterranean welfare regimes, that share certain characteristics in terms of immigration regimes, but have substantially different employment law regulation models. The first part sketches the debate on the employment law regulation of domestic work. The second part starts by giving an overview of the immigration regimes of Cyprus and Spain in relation to migrant domestic workers and then proceeds to analyse the two countries’ models and substance of employment law regulation in domestic work. The comparison of these two divergent approaches informs the debate on how the legal regulation of domestic work should be best structured. In Spain there have been recent dynamic legislative changes in the employment law regulation of domestic work. The final part of the article traces these changes and reflects on why such processes have not taken place in Cyprus.

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El presente artículo se propone estudiar, retomando diversos aspectos del Análisis Materialista del Discurso, una serie de discusiones de la inmediata posguerra que colocaron la cuestión racial y al racismo en el centro de la agenda de las ciencias (naturales y sociales) así como de los organismos internacionales. Antes que reponer y reproducir una imagen de coherencia u homogeneidad en estos debates, propondremos una lectura a contrapelo capaz de mostrar la articulación contingente de elementos de diversa procedencia, las contradicciones, las tensiones y, sobre todo, las luchas involucradas en ellos.En un primer apartado presentaremos algunos aspectos generales de las discusiones en torno de la cuestión racial en la Segunda Posguerra y el papel que en ello tendrían UNESCO y las ciencias sociales. Luego, nos referiremos sintéticamente a los debates fascistas en torno de la cuestión racial para, en el siguiente apartado, desarrollar la primera de nuestras tesis: la existencia de una relación de diálogo/antagonismo entre la declaración de 1949 de UNESCO y los debates fascistas en torno de las leyes raciales entre 1935 y 1938. A partir de ello, en la sección siguiente, desplegaremos nuestra segunda hipótesis, derivada de la primera: las discusiones de UNESCO además de dirigirse a un público general resultan de una disputa al interior de diversos campos científicos. En este tramo, analizaremos los vínculos entre ciencia y política que recorren los diversos documentos que conforman nuestro estudio. Finalmente, propondremos algunas reflexiones a modo de cierre.

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Este artículo introduce los conceptos de relaciones de poder analizados por Michel Foucault, haciendo hincapié en el vínculo del ejercicio del poder en las relaciones internacionales. Por ello, se analizan el marco de relaciones que el ejercicio de dicho poder genera, así como las tipologías de relaciones entre Estados, que igualmente genera el poder. El artículo presenta los paradigmas de las relaciones internacionales y su evolución en el tiempo, estableciendo puentes con las consideraciones de Foucault con respecto al poder, la guerra, la represión o las razas. En este sentido, el concepto de guerra de razas se antoja fundamental para identificar dicha noción como la versión más extrema del paradigma realista. Dicha guerra de razas no constituye una categoría que integre necesariamente el concepto biológico, sino que se refiere al proceso de imposición de la identidad del grupo dominante, la cual puede contener aspectos étnicos, socioculturales y políticos. No obstante, ni el realismo ni su visión extrema son los únicos paradigmas existentes, ya que la evolución de los paradigmas alternativos ha conllevado la génesis del reflectivismo como alternativa al realismo.

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Populist radical right parties have become major political actors in Europe. This paper analyses the path and the different phases that have led them from the fringes of public debate to their present signifi cance, which is based on their capacity to attract electoral support and infl uence the political agendas in their respective countries. Besides, an analysis of the core ideological beliefs of these parties, and of the topics on which their mobilization capacity rests, is provided, as well as of the type of voters that are attracted by them. Finally, the authors discuss the meaning and impact of the growing popularity of the ideas and proposals put forward by the populist radical right parties.

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In this paper, 36 English and 38 Spanish news articles were selected from English and Spanish newspapers and magazines published in the U.S.A. from August 2014 to November 2014. All articles discuss the death of Michael Brown, the ensuing protests and police investigations. A discourse analysis shows that there are few differences between reporting by the mainstream and the Hispanic media. Like the mainstream media, the Hispanic media adopts a neutral point of view with regard to the African-American minority. However, it presents a negative opinion with regard to the police. It appears that the Hispanic media does not explicitly side with the African-American community, but rather agrees more with the mainstream media’s opinion and is substantially influenced by it.

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The year 1977 saw the making of the first Latino superhero by a Latino artist. From the 1980s onwards it is also possible to find Latina super-heroines, whose number and complexity has kept increasing ever since. Yet, the representations of spandexed Latinas are still few. For that reason, the goal of this paper is, firstly, to gather a great number of Latina super-heroines and, secondly, to analyze the role that they have played in the history of American literature and art. More specifically, it aims at comparing the spandexed Latinas created by non-Latino/a artists and mainstream comic enterprises with the Latina super-heroines devised by Latino/a artists. The conclusion is that whereas the former tend to conceive heroines within the constraints of the logic of Girl Power, the latter choose to imbue their works with a more daring political content and to align their heroines with the ideologies of Feminism and Postcolonialism.

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Until comparatively recently there has been little systematic effort to record the contribution to British theatre history of the diversity represented by Black British and British South and East Asian theatre makers. That failure to ‘see’ and acknowledge this lacuna within the academy reflected what in 2001 was condemned as widespread institutional racism within the theatre industry itself. The other ‘faces’ had been rendered effectively invisible. This chapter considers the ethical and evidential challenges associated with the task of recovering the history of a project created to enhance an important concept of cultural identity: the little-documented failure in the 1990s of the Nia Centre, the UK’s first black arts centre which opened in Hulme, Manchester in 1991. My exploration raises a number of key ethical challenges: How in the aftermath of the Nia’s collapse and in the almost complete absence of archival records, is the historian to mediate what inevitably are multiple truths coming from different perspectives? Whose, and what values were, and remain, at stake both at the time of the project itself, and in the telling of the history? How does the historian deal with failure especially if the circumstances were obscure and little regarded? The dream of the Nia died more than a decade ago, but the participants in that history are very much alive and their sensitivities have to be respected as part of the ethical challenge.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-08

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This paper contributes to the debate on whether volunteering influences social cohesion, and argues that issues of race equality should be considered in this discussion. Whilst the German government, like other European states, promotes volunteering as a way of improving social cohesion, discussions on social cohesion in Germany tend not to mention race explicitly, whilst studies on volunteering tend to neglect to explore race at all. When they do, race is simply considered a factor influencing engagement, rather than a structural issue. Employing the example of the German Technical Relief Service for civil defence, the paper explores race relations and representation in Germany, where discussions on race generally remain taboo, drawing on theories of structural racism and whiteness. The paper concludes that it cannot be unproblematically assumed that volunteering leads to social cohesion in an ethnically diverse society if racial inequalities are not addressed.

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Nira Yuval-Davis , an Israeli dissident, has been a long-standing defender of human rights: a founder member of Women Against Fundamentalism, and the international research network of Women in Militarized Conflict Zones, a consultant to different divisions of the United Nations as well as to various NGOs, including Amnesty International. Known internationally for her research on gender, racism, and religious fundamentalism, her books include Racialized Boundaries , Gender and Nation , The Politics of Belonging , Women against Fundamentalism . She is Director of the Research Centre on Migration, Refugees and Belonging at the University of East London. In this essay she conducts an internal conversation with the renowned Israeli sociologist, now deceased, Baruch Kimmerling, on the different roads to public sociology.

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This is a pre-copyedited, author-produced PDF of a chapter accepted for publication in the European Centre for Minority Issues and The European Academy Bozen/Bolzano (eds), European Yearbook of Minority Issues, Volume 12, 2013 (Brill, 2015). The version of record is available at: http://www.brill.com/publications/european-yearbook-minority-issues In reviewing the activities of relevant UN human rights institutions, bodies and mechanisms this chapter identifies and examines some of the main issues that have emerged regarding minority rights during the year 2013. It notably analyses how the UN has focused particular attention on the situation and the rights of religious minorities, as well as on the elaboration of the post-2015 development agenda. The chapter also reviews activities in other issue areas important for minorities such as language, education, combatting racism, hatred and intolerance, and the prevention of genocide and mass atrocities. It highlights developments with regard to specific groups such as Roma, people living with Albinism and Dalits. It also examines some of the urgent situations that have arisen from conflicts which have targeted minorities across the globe.