Kubo relations and radiative corrections for lepton number washout

The rates for lepton number washout in extensions of the Standard Model containing right-handed neutrinos are key ingredients in scenarios for baryogenesis through leptogenesis. We relate these rates to real-time correlation functions at finite temperature, without making use of any particle approximations. The relations are valid to quadratic order in neutrino Yukawa couplings and to all orders in Standard Model couplings. They take into account all spectator processes, and apply both in the symmetric and in the Higgs phase of the electroweak theory. We use the relations to compute washout rates at next-to-leading order in g, where g denotes a Standard Model gauge or Yukawa coupling, both in the non-relativistic and in the relativistic regime. Even in the non-relativistic regime the parametrically dominant radiative corrections are only suppressed by a single power of g. In the non-relativistic regime radiative corrections increase the washout rate by a few percent at high temperatures, but they are of order unity around the weak scale and in the relativistic regime.

Practice Movements: The Politics of Non-sovereign Power

Practice movements, that is, forms of unorganized collective action, are a central site of politics. Their defining moments are that their goals are expressed in practices rather than in words, and that these “pre-ideological” practices aim at access to or redistribution of goods, whether material or symbolic, rather than at representation. They are transgression rather than resistance in that they transgress restrictions inherent in the material organization of space, property relations, status orders, and normative regulations, be they laws, morals, or customs. Practice movements are above all about access and participation rather than about autonomy, and thus have an ambiguous relation to the transformation of the status quo. Their politics are transformative and they can produce temporary or lasting changes in the material grounds or in the regulation of the everyday life of those who pursue them, and potentially of the normativity and the organization of the wider social order.

Sex as a source of power? Backlash against self-sexualizing women

Although women are thought to possess sexual power, they risk social and economic penalties (i.e., backlash; Rudman, 1998) when they self-sexualize (i.e., assert their power; Cahoon & Edmonds, 1989; Glick, Larsen, Johnson, & Branstiter, 2005). Why? Drawing on the status incongruity hypothesis (SIH), which predicts backlash against powerful women because they challenge the gender hierarchy, we expected prejudice against self-sexualizing women to be explained by a dominance penalty rather than a communality deficit (Rudman, Moss-Racusin, Phelan, & Nauts, 2012). Two experiments supported this hypothesis, and Experiment 3 further showed that the dominance penalty was explained by ascribing power motives to self-sexualized women. These findings extend the SIH’s utility to the domain of self-sexualization and illuminate the scope of people’s discomfort with female power. Implications for the advancement of gender equality are discussed.

Perceived gender relations and sexual relations among undergraduate female students in the Mekong Delta of Vietnam

Background. Literature worldwide has documented associations between gender-based relationship inequity, sexual communication self-efficacy, and actual use of condoms and contraceptives among young women. However studies that have rigorously tested these associations in southern Vietnam are extremely rare. This study aimed to examine these associations and other current sexual practices among undergraduate female students in the Mekong Delta. Method. A qualitative study was conducted to examine the operationalization of the Theory of Gender and Power and to obtain salient and culture-relevant dimensions of perceived gender relations in the Mekong Delta of Vietnam. Sixty-four undergraduate female students from two universities participated in eight group discussions focusing on their viewpoints regarding national and local gender equity issues. A subsequent cross-sectional survey consisting of 1181 third-year female students from Can Tho University and An Giang University was conducted. Latent variable modeling and logistic regression were employed to examine the hypothesized associations. Results. Dimensions of perceived gender relations were attributable to theoretical structures of labor, power, and cathexis. Perceptions about gender inequities were comparable to findings from several reports, in which women were still viewed as inferior and subordinate to men. Among students who had ever had a boyfriend(s) (72.4%), 44.8% indicated that their boyfriend had ever asked for sex, 13% had ever had penile-vaginal sex, and 10.3% had ever had oral sex. For those who had ever had penile-vaginal sex, 33% did not use any contraceptive method at first sex. The greater a student’s perception that women were subordinate to men, the lower her self-efficacy for sexual communication and the lower her actual frequencies of asking for contraceptive or condom use. Sexual communication self-efficacy was marginally associated with actual contraceptive use (p=.039) and condom use (p=.092) at first sex. Conclusion. Sexual health promotion strategies should address the influence of perceived unequal gender relations on young women’s sexual communication self-efficacy and the subsequent impact on actual contraceptive and condom use.^

Foreign Direct Investment Relations between Myanmar and ASEAN

Myanmar highly appreciates foreign direct investment (FDI) as a key solution reducing the development gap with leading ASEAN countries. Accordingly, it is welcomed by the government. Myanmar's Foreign Investment Law was enacted in 1988 soon after the adoption of a market-oriented economic system to boost the flow of FDI into the country. Foreign investors positively responded to these measures in the early years and FDI inflow into Myanmar gradually increased during the period from 1989 to 1996. However, after 1997, FDI inflow was dramatically reduced and markedly declined until 2004. In 2005, FDI inflow increased at an unprecedented rate and reached the highest level in the country's history. However, this growth was not sustainable in the subsequent years, as it declined again and turned stagnant at the previous level. In terms of source regions, ASEAN is a major investor in Myanmar, which investment is significantly exceeds the combined investment of other regions of the world. Among top ten countries, Thailand's investment alone is significantly more than combined total investments of the other nine countries. Next to Thailand in terms of investments in Myanmar are Singapore and Malaysia among ASEAN, at second and third places, respectively. The combined total FDI inflows into the power and oil and gas sector represent about 65 percent of the total investment. There are many opportunities for foreign investment in other sectors, which are not, yet exploited. ASEAN countries will certainly be source countries of Myanmar FDI in the future, and Myanmar should expand to other Asian countries like Japan, India, China, Korea, and Hong Kong where its FDI portfolio is concerned. To effectively attract FDI into the country, Myanmar needs to minimize the effect of policy while opening and encouraging other potential sectors of FDI to foreign investors in ASEAN and Asian countries.

Post-1988 civil-military relations in Myanmar

This paper explores the development of civil–military relations in Myanmar since 1988. After the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Armed Forces) took over the state by means of a coup d’état in 1988, the top generals ruled the country without recourse to significant formal political institutions such as a constitution, elections and parliament. A unique authoritarian regime, where political power was predominantly under the military’s influence, lasted for more than 20 years in the country. It seemed to many observers that the military regime was highly durable and that its dictator, General Than Shwe, had no intention of altering the highly repressive character of the political system. However, a new leader, President Thein Sein, who came to power in March 2011, has decided to implement some political and economic reforms that could undermine the Tatmadaw’s dominant role in politics and the economy. This paper examines the background to this sudden political change in Myanmar, focusing on the relationship between its dictator, the military and the state. This paper’s main argument is that Than Shwe has carefully prepared the transition of 2011 as a generational change in the Tatmadaw and in state leadership. The argument is also made that the challenges created by Thein Sein can be understood as a result of his redefinition of national security and balancing of security-centralism with state-led developmentalism.

Design parameters for continuously variable power-split transmissions using planetaries with 3 active shafts

Since 1996, when the first agricultural tractor with CVT transmission was shown, the presence of this type of transmissions has been increasing. All companies offer them in their products range. Nevertheless, there is little technical documentation that explains the basics of its operation. This report shows all types of CVT transmissions: non-power-split type and power-split ones, as well as the three types used in agricultural tractors, hydro-mechanical power-split transmissions (3 active shafts, input coupled planetary; 3 active shafts, output coupled planetary and 4 active shafts). The report also describes the design parameters of a type of CVT transmission, which use a power-split system with 3 active shafts as well as the fundamental relations among them. Crown Copyright 2010 Published by Elsevier Ltd. on behalf of ISTVS. All rights reserved.

Expressive power of binary relevance and chain classifiers based on Bayesian Networks for multi-label classification

Bayesian network classifiers are widely used in machine learning because they intuitively represent causal relations. Multi-label classification problems require each instance to be assigned a subset of a defined set of h labels. This problem is equivalent to finding a multi-valued decision function that predicts a vector of h binary classes. In this paper we obtain the decision boundaries of two widely used Bayesian network approaches for building multi-label classifiers: Multi-label Bayesian network classifiers built using the binary relevance method and Bayesian network chain classifiers. We extend our previous single-label results to multi-label chain classifiers, and we prove that, as expected, chain classifiers provide a more expressive model than the binary relevance method.

U.S.-Taiwan Relations: A Study on the Taiwan Relations Act

The relationship between the United States and Taiwan is of great importance to both parties. Taiwan offers certain strategic opportunities for the promotion of American national security interests, and the U.S. accordingly provides Taiwan with support of both a defensive and diplomatic nature. The official U.S. policies regarding relations with Taiwan are enumerated in the Taiwan Relations Act (United States Code Title 22 Chapter 48 Sections 3301 - 3316). The act, approved by the U.S. Congress in 1967, stipulates the terms of the bilateral relationship with regard to national defense and diplomatic relations among other factors. This paper seeks to obtain a more developed picture of sentiments on both sides of this relationship in order to understand better the U.S.'s influence and power in Taiwan and in the region.

Maddening the Minotaur : Dora Maar'a power over Pablo Picasso

Dora Maar is primarily viewed as Pablo Picasso’s mistress and muse in art historical scholarship, and scholars frequently analyze her work in terms of its evolution as a consequence of her relationship with Pablo Picasso, therefore asserting the power Picasso had over Maar. Through comparative analysis and socio-historical investigation, I assert that Maar’s strong personality, political awareness, and artistic vision profoundly influenced Picasso during the Spanish Civil War and World War II.

Recalibrating CSDP-NATO relations: the real pivot. Security Policy Brief No. 47, June 2013

In an age of major power shifts, which we know from history always to be particularly dangerous, different scenarios are possible; the only promising one is that of more and well-structured international cooperation. Yet, critical voices point at a drifting apart of longstanding allies. Recalibrating CSDPNATO relations has become more important than ever.

Políticas europeas para la competitividad, salarios mìnimos y tutela del poder adquisitivo de las retribuciones en Italia tras el acuerdo de noviembre de 2012 [European Policies for competitiveness, minimum wages and purchasing power protection in Italy after the November 2012 agreement]. WP C.S.D.L.E. “Massimo D’Antona”.INT – 99/2013

On the floor of the Global Wage Report 2012/2013 by ILO, entitled Wages and equitable growth, the A. thinks that the wage regulation has to take into account competitiveness without compressing global aggregate demand. Therefore, International and European rules are necessary to avoid the spiral towards the wages dampen, which is bad for the economic development. The rules in action at the different levels are inadequate. The A. proposes an interpretation of Article 153 and Article 155 TFEU that is more suitable for a European regulation promoting better minimum wages and more coherent with the current legal framework of the right to pay, which can be considered, even if partially, as a social right.

To Be or Not to Be a Normative Power: The EU’s Promotion of Human Rights and Democracy in Russia. Bruges Regional Integration & Global Governance Papers 2/2013

The ‘Normative Power Europe’ debate has been a leitmotif in the academic discourse for over a decade. Far from being obsolete, the topic is as relevant as when the term was first coined by Ian Manners in 2002.1 ‘To be or not to be a normative power’ is certainly one of the existential dilemmas in the foreign policy of the European Union. This paper, however, intends to move beyond the black-and-white debate on whether the European Union is a normative power and to make it more nuanced by examining the factors that make it such. Contrary to the conventional perception that the European Union is a necessarily ‘benign’ force in the world, it assumes that it has aspirations to be a viable international actor. Consequently, it pursues different types of foreign policy behaviour with a varying degree of normativity in them. The paper addresses the question of under what conditions the European Union is a ‘normative power’. The findings of the study demonstrate that the ‘normative power’ of the European Union is conditioned upon internal and external elements, engaged in a complex interaction with a decisive role played by the often neglected external elements.

The European Parliament’s New Role in Trade Policy: Turning power into impact. CEPS Special Report No. 89, 21 May 2014

The power of the European Parliament in EU trade policy has increased significantly with the Lisbon Treaty. Even though it had already acquired a greater informal role, the codification of its involvement enables the EP to have a stronger say in trade policy. Against the background of increased legal competences granted by the Treaty of Lisbon to the European Parliament in EU trade policy, this Policy Brief addresses two important questions. The first concerns the extent to which the EP’s power in trade policy has increased: Has the EP effectively played a bigger role since the end of 2009? The second relates to the substance of the EP’s trade policy preferences: Does the EP attempt to push EU trade relations into a more or less normative and/or protectionist direction? Its main argument is that the Lisbon Treaty not only heralds a major leap forward in legal terms, but that the current EP legislature has also managed to increase its political clout in trade policy-making. Nevertheless, a major challenge for the new EP legislature 2014-2019 will be to turn this into effective influence.