430 resultados para MULTICULTURALISM


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Relatório de Estágio apresentado à Escola Superior de Educação do Instituto Politécnico de Castelo Branco para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Mestre em Educação Pré-Escolar e Ensino do 1º Ciclo do Ensino Básico.

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Singapore brings together representatives of different cultures. Currently, 76% of the Singapore population is Chinese, 14% - Malay, 8% Hindu. All of them (with the rest 2%) have a possibility to participate in one of the best education models in the world. However, education and other political institutions are assessed in an ambivalent way. The article will address these controversies, including the Confucian thought of self-improvement and Peranakan Chinese as an example for the hypothesis.

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Britain is exceptional among modern Western democracies in having had citizenship education in public schools. British people have regarded themselves as “subjects” rather citizens. It has been changing recently. Due to social transformations, especially growing multiculturalism and associated social tensions, citizenship education became the core of social and political debate. After 1997, when the Labor Party came to power, the discourse of citizenship as well as citizenship education developed. The main aim of citizenship education in state schools is to build social cohesion and reduce social tension through dialogue. School curricula pay more attention to identity and cultural diversity. The aim of the paper is to present and analyse the main premises of educational policy in the context of citizenship education in public schools in England. I will also attempt to reconstruct the social and political debate on the consequences of introducing citizenship education to state schools.

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The aim of this article was to examine how the currently dominant neoliberal and neoconservative discourse is present in the sector of education. The subject of research was to show the influence of a certain ideology on the process of reformulating secondary schools curricula in Canada, especially in Ontario, and the program materials designed for adult immigrants preparing for a citizenship test. This paper explores the relationship between the neoliberal ideology present at the provincial level, where individual development and economic rationales are dominant, and the neoconservative ideology at the federal level, which recovers imperial roots of Canadian citizenship, grounded in the Anglo-Saxon tradition and colonial history.

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No se puede hablar de la sociedad del siglo XXI sin relacionarla con el uso de la información y con el acceso social a las telecomunicaciones y la computación para responder a las demandas de los nuevos ciudadanos. En los países de la región latinoamericana, donde el acceso a la información y a las tecnológicas no es fácil, se requiere que esos elementos sean parte de las responsabilidades de los individuos y de los gobiernos para que se conformen las políticas y programas públicos y privados de educación, cultura y ciencia.

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The discussion of European cosmopolitanism and civil society has failed to take questions of culture seriously enough. While remaining sympathetic to liberal forms of cosmopolitanism, this article considers the view that such proposals fail to make space for the 'Other'. In the context of histories of nationalist violence, masculinism and consumerism this article discusses the charge that ideas of European civilization need to be reconsidered. In the final part of the article, I discuss the view that cultural feminism and certain versions of multiculturalism have much to contribute towards the European project. However, at this point, I seek to distance myself from essentialist arguments in respect of identity. A generative European cosmopolitanism would do well to take questions of cultural domination seriously without reducing the complexity of modern identities.

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Vladimir S. Soloviev (1853-1900) était un philosophe russe, poète et dissident de la période prérévolutionnaire. Comme celle de beaucoup de ses contemporains prérévolutionnaires russes, la pensée de Soloviev fut constamment sollicitée par la réfection imminente de l’État russe dans un futur très proche. Dans le contexte de cette époque, un examen des fondements théoriques du système juridique était peut-être inévitable. Néanmoins, dans la pensée russe, c’est seulement avec Soloviev que le droit cessa d’être un sujet spécialisé dans le domaine de l’administration, ne concernant guère les grands enjeux de société, et devint intimement lié au développement même de la philosophie morale et sociale. Au sein du projet philosophique systématique que propose Soloviev, le concept de l’unitotalité est envahissant, en termes épistémologique et social. Une pierre d’assise également fondamentale est le concept philosophico-religieux de la divino-humanité, à travers lequel la source de la dignité humaine est ultimement exprimée. La philosophie juridique de Soloviev, contenue pour l’essentiel dans un traité intitulé La Justification du bien : essai de philosophie morale (1897), a pour principal objet l’interaction entre le droit et la morale. Alors que l’objet et la portée du droit peuvent être directement déduits de principes moraux, le droit ne peut pas coïncider exactement avec la morale, compte tenu de son caractère plus limité, fini et coercitif. Pour Soloviev, le droit doit imposer un niveau minimum du bien en fournissant les conditions de base (par ex. la primauté du droit, le droit à une existence digne, la liberté de conscience) pour le libre développement des facultés humaines sans transposer directement en lui la plénitude complète du bien. La principale motivation de Soloviev réside dans la prémisse théologique sous-jacente que le bien ne peut jamais être complètement subsumé sauf par un acte conscient de liberté personnelle. En tandem, Soloviev souligne le rôle progressiste de l’État pour favoriser le libre perfectionnement humain. En tant que tel, Soloviev nous fournit certaines voies innovatrices dans le façonnement de la relation tant théorique que pratique entre le droit et la religion. À l’encontre d’un compromis entre objets, c’est-à-dire un arrangement de type interculturel situé entre fragmentation culturelle (multiculturalisme idéologique) et assimilation antireligieuse (laïcité militante), l’analyse de Soloviev présente la nécessité d’une conciliation temporelle, dans une perspective historique beaucoup plus large, où la laïcité est considérée non pas comme une finalité ontologique en soi, figée dans le temps, mais comme un moyen au service d’une destinée humaine en cours d’actualisation. Le cadre philosophico-juridique de Soloviev peut être utilement mis en dialogue avec des auteurs contemporains comme Stephen L. Carter, Charles Taylor, John Witte Jr, Ronald Dworkin et Jürgen Habermas. La contribution potentielle de Soloviev sur la place de la religion dans la société russe contemporaine est également mentionnée, avec un accent particulier sur le réexamen critique de l’héritage durable de la notion byzantine de la symphonie entre l’Église et l’État. Enfin, une théorie du fédéralisme inspirée par Soloviev est développée en appliquant, sur une base comparative, des avancées théoriques dans le domaine de l’histoire juridique global à l’évolution constitutionnelle du Canada et d’Israël.

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A inclusão da comunidade cigana requer uma postura diferente por parte desta comunidade que passa pela assunção das normas por que todos os cidadãos portugueses se devem reger, em termos de direitos e deveres, exercendo a sua cidadania plena, de forma ativa e participada. Objetivo: Promover a inclusão das crianças ciganas nas escolas do Concelho do Seixal. Metodologia: utilizou-se a metodologia de planeamento em saúde, recorrendo à entrevista e grelha de observação, como instrumentos de recolha de dados. Resultados: Deficit de conhecimentos sobre cuidados de higiene nas crianças ciganas; Deficit de conhecimentos sobre cultura cigana pelos professores; Desvalorização da preservação dos espaços comuns do bairro pelas famílias ciganas. Conclusões: Importância da promoção de hábitos de higiene pessoal junto das crianças ciganas, necessidade de formação para professores sobre multiculturalidade e cultura cigana e de intervenção articulada e em parceria, no bairro, promovendo a mudança de comportamentos para preservação dos espaços comuns; ABSTRACT: The inclusion of the Roma community requires a different attitude on the part of this community that goes by the assumption of standards that all Portuguese citizens should be governed in terms of rights and duties, exercising their full citizenship, active and participatory way. Objective: To promote the inclusion of Roma children in the Municipality of Seixal schools. Methodology used the health planning methodology, using interview and observation grid, such as data collection tools. Results: Deficit of knowledge about hygiene in the Roma children; Deficit of knowledge about Roma culture by teachers; Devaluation of preservation of the common areas of the neighborhood by Roma families. Conclusions: The importance of promoting personal hygiene habits with Roma children, the need for training for teachers on multiculturalism and gypsy culture and coordinated intervention and partnership, in the neighborhood, promoting behavior change to preserving public spaces.

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Wydział Studiów Edukacyjnych

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Immigration is directly related to citizenship, the nation and the state, revealing as it does the constructed nature of those categories. Here the impact of immigration on Euskal Herria is examined from this perspective, looking first at the processes of migration to it which have produced the make-up of present-day Basque society to a large extent. This is followed by a consideration of the way migratory movements have been viewed by the movement for the development of Euskal Herria into a state, the Basque nationalist movement, since these attitudes have played a fundamental role in defining Basque citizenship. After some observations about multiculturalism, the chapter concludes with a look at how the creation of a Basque state might contribute to this and the issues that will be raised.

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A enorme interdependência entre os povos, que caracteriza o mundo contemporâneo, justifica a importância crucial da aquisição de competências de comunicação intercultural, uma vez que poderão ter um efeito catalisador na resolução de grandes questões globais. O desafio que é colocado à Educação, para colaborar na aquisição de tais competências, é de adaptação aos novos meios de comunicação globais e de reinvenção de novas metodologias e abordagens. Destacam-se neste campo a Educação Global, como um campo interdisciplinar que se concretiza num processo de aprendizagem transformativa, focando-se nas questões e desafios globais, e o Ensino Online, possuidor da capacidade de quebrar barreiras físicas e temporais e juntar num mesmo “espaço” pessoas dos mais variados pontos do planeta. Com o objetivo geral de analisar a importância dos contextos de formação online no desenvolvimento de competências interculturais, esta investigação propõe-se mostrar de que forma cursos online, oferecidos em contexto multicultural, na área de Educação Global, promovem o desenvolvimento de competências de comunicação intercultural. De entre os resultados da investigação destaca-se a aquisição moderada de uma maior consciência intercultural e de aptidões de comunicação intercultural, considerando-se como elementos fundamentais para a promoção de diálogos interculturais ao longo do curso o facto de a turma ser multicultural, a colaboração entre pares e algumas das ferramentas de comunicação existentes na plataforma onde decorreu a formação.

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Dissertação para obtenção do grau de Mestre em Arquitectura, apresentada na Universidade de Lisboa - Faculdade de Arquitectura.

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Toleration is a key concept of liberalism, both from the historical and conceptual points of view. On the other hand, as people’s freedom to live according to their moral and religious ideas has long become a basic value for liberal societies and their political constitutions, it is reasonable to understand that there is nothing to be tolerated nor by citizens neither by the State. However, a part of the scope and meaning of the fundamental rights and freedoms is subject to what John Rawls calls reasonable disagreements and this is a field where toleration understood in the classic way is compatible with equality: not to intervene against that which is being disapproved understood has a raison d'être. Since the 1980s, toleration has been present in the debates on how to deal with pluralism in a constitutional democracy. This has to be connected to the rise of identity politics: political and intellectual movements such as multiculturalism or comunitarism that questioned whether social order based on neutral criteria was either possible or desirable or both things at the same time. Outstanding liberal philosophers were among those demanding political priority for comunitarian values and those who showed interest for toleration as a key concept to articulate pluralism. Key distinctions between them can be explained as the result of the different approaches they take when facing classical theories on toleration: whereas John Locke’s is a major influence on Rawls, John Stuart Mill’s is on the others, while Gray, Walzer and Rorty follow Isaiah Berlin’s reading of Mill.

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Ten years after the Cronulla riots, the violence, racism and branding of young bodies with signs and symbols of Australian nationalism, along with the reprisal attacks by Lebanese-Australian youth, continues to inflame discussions about race relations in Australia, with many conversations shifting away from ideas of multiculturalism and cultural diversity, and towards patriotism, localism, security and fear of the (predominantly) Muslim 'Other'.Battle for the Flag contextualises and challenges the narrative by drawing upon participant observation and interviews conducted with local residents of diverse backgrounds. By paying attention to the voices of bystanders and those involved, the riot is identified as an unstable and fluid formation, where the Australian flag, the beach and whiteness itself was co-opted into a much more contingent, contested and subcultural formation than hitherto described.

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Australia’s inner cities experienced an upheaval in the 1960s and 70s which left them changed forever. People from all walks of life who valued their suburbs – places like Balmain, Battery Point, Carlton, Indooropilly, North Adelaide or Subiaco – resisted large-scale development projects for freeways, ‘slum clearance’ and mass-produced high-rise. Unlikely alliances of post-war migrants, university students and staff, construction workers and their unions, long-term residents and city workers,challenged land-grabs and inappropriate development.When the dust settled, Australian cities were different. Many suburbs kept their village qualities. Shopping strips were revived and cultures celebrated. While areas like Fitzroy or Redcliff were derided as ‘Trendyville’, the fate many American cities suffered – a ‘hollow core’ – had been avoided. In the process, heritage conservation, party politics, and Australian assumptions about domestic life, education and lifestyle had all been transformed. This book is an in-depth examination of the causes and consequences of urban protest in a democracy. It shows how it changed the built environment as well as its participants, and resonated in many of our institutions including politics, media and multiculturalism.