Apua Kekkoselle vai kansainvälisen politiikan sivutuote? Noottikriisin suomalainen kuva

Tutkimus käsittelee noottikriisin suomalaista kuvaa. Noottikriisi on saanut nimensä Neuvostoliiton Suomelle 30.10.1961 antamasta nootista, jonka mukaan Länsi-Saksan aseellinen varustautuminen aiheutti sellaisen sotilaallisen uhkan, että vuoden 1948 yya-sopimuksen mukaiset sotilaalliset konsultaatiot olivat perusteltuja. Presidentti Urho Kekkonen ja pääministeri Nikita Hruštšov sopivat kuitenkin runsaan kolmen viikon kuluttua, ettei niitä pidetä. Noottikriisi on ollut hyvin kiistanalainen. Eniten on erimielisyyttä aiheuttanut nootin motiivi. Siksi tämän tutkimuksen pääaiheena ovat sen tulkinnat suomalaisten kirjoittamissa painetuissa teksteissä nootin jättämisen jälkeisestä päivästä vuoteen 2013. Erimielisyys johtuu pääasiassa käsityksestä, että noottia ei lähetetty Länsi-Saksan aiheuttaman uhkan takia vaan Kekkosen auttamiseksi vuoden 1962 presidentinvaaleissa. Tätä tulkintaa yksinään tai yhdistettynä yhteen tai useampaa muuhun tekijään on myös kannatettu eniten. Kekkonenkin ilmaisi päiväkirjassaan, että tarkoituksena oli hänen tukemisensa. Julkisuudessa hän ei kuitenkaan sanonut koskaan niin eksplisiittisesti. Erityinen piirre ovat vaihtelut huomattavan monen akateemisenkin kirjoittajan tulkinnoissa. Sama koskee sanomalehtiä. Monet nimesivät jälkeenpäin nootin tarkoitukseksi Kekkosen auttamisen, vaikka olivat aluksi kirjoittaneet jotain muuta. Ilmiö paljastaa että sanomalehdet harjoittivat heti nootin saapumisen jälkeen itsesensuuria.

Näyttelijän taide venäläisessä elokuvassa 1907-1919

Väitöskirjan aihe on, kuinka elokuvanäyttelijän taide ja sitä koskeva ajattelu kehittyivät Venäjällä yksityisen elokuvatuotannon vuosina 1907–1919. Tutkimus kuuluu kulttuurihistorian alaan. Sen näkökulma on elokuvan esteettinen historia, ja tutkimus liittyy ns. revisionistisen elokuvahistorian pyrkimykseen arvioida uudelleen näytelmäelokuvan varhaisvaiheita. Analyysi kohdistuu esteettiseen aikalaisajatteluun sekä elokuvatuotannon käytäntöihin ja prosesseihin. Lähteinä on käytetty elokuvanäyttelemistä koskevaa julkista keskustelua, elokuvantekijöiden jättämää muistietoa ja ajalta säilyneitä elokuvia. Käsittely jakautuu kolmeen väljän kronologisesti järjestettyyn lukuun. Luku 2 keskittyy venäläisen fiktioelokuvan varhaisvuosiin 1910-luvun taitteen molemmin puolin. Luku 3 käsittelee pitkän näytelmäelokuvan läpimurrosta alkunsa saanutta keskustelua psykologisesta elokuvasta. Luku 4 etenee maailmansodan vuosina nouseen kuvallisen, ohjaajakeskeisen elokuvakäsityksen kautta kohti varhaisen neuvostoelokuvan ajatusta näyttelijästä ”mallina”. Väitöskirjassa esitetään, että käsitys näyttelemisestä, ja sitä myötä elokuvasta yleensä, kävi tutkittuna ajanjaksona läpi kehämäisen kehityksen, jossa vuorottelivat käsitykset elokuvasta modernina ja elokuvasta traditiona. Tutkimus problematisoi myöhempää elokuvakäsitystä, jonka mukaan elokuvaestetiikan perusyksikkö on otos. Toisin kuin myöhempinä vuosikymmeninä 1910-luvulla näytteleminen oli avainkysymys, jonka kautta lähestyttiin elokuvan olemusta itseään. Venäjällä ajatukset elokuvanäyttelemisestä kehittyivät vuorovaikutuksessa saman ajan teatteriestetiikan kanssa, joskin elokuva miellettiin jo varhain erilliseksi taidemuodoksi. Tsaarinajan elokuvan vaikutusvaltaisimmaksi esteettiseksi ohjelmaksi muodostui psykologinen elokuva, jonka inspiraationa toimi osittain Konstantin Stanislavskin samaan aikaan kehittämä näyttelijäntyön järjestelmä. Elävä näyttelijä ja näyttelijän ”kokeminen” nähtiin ratkaisuna elokuvavälineen keskeisenä ongelmana pidettyyn mekaanisuuteen. Ajan studiokäytännöissä psykologinen lähestymistapa puolestaan merkitsi usein vastausten etsimistä teollisen elokuvatuotannon olosuhteista syntyneisiin ongelmiin.

Nichesourcing The Uralic Languages For The Benefit Of Linguistic Research And Lingual Societies

The emerging technologies have recently challenged the libraries to reconsider their role as a mere mediator between the collections, researchers, and wider audiences (Sula, 2013), and libraries, especially the nationwide institutions like national libraries, haven’t always managed to face the challenge (Nygren et al., 2014). In the Digitization Project of Kindred Languages, the National Library of Finland has become a node that connects the partners to interplay and work for shared goals and objectives. In this paper, I will be drawing a picture of the crowdsourcing methods that have been established during the project to support both linguistic research and lingual diversity. The National Library of Finland has been executing the Digitization Project of Kindred Languages since 2012. The project seeks to digitize and publish approximately 1,200 monograph titles and more than 100 newspapers titles in various, and in some cases endangered Uralic languages. Once the digitization has been completed in 2015, the Fenno-Ugrica online collection will consist of 110,000 monograph pages and around 90,000 newspaper pages to which all users will have open access regardless of their place of residence. The majority of the digitized literature was originally published in the 1920s and 1930s in the Soviet Union, and it was the genesis and consolidation period of literary languages. This was the era when many Uralic languages were converted into media of popular education, enlightenment, and dissemination of information pertinent to the developing political agenda of the Soviet state. The ‘deluge’ of popular literature in the 1920s to 1930s suddenly challenged the lexical orthographic norms of the limited ecclesiastical publications from the 1880s onward. Newspapers were now written in orthographies and in word forms that the locals would understand. Textbooks were written to address the separate needs of both adults and children. New concepts were introduced in the language. This was the beginning of a renaissance and period of enlightenment (Rueter, 2013). The linguistically oriented population can also find writings to their delight, especially lexical items specific to a given publication, and orthographically documented specifics of phonetics. The project is financially supported by the Kone Foundation in Helsinki and is part of the Foundation’s Language Programme. One of the key objectives of the Kone Foundation Language Programme is to support a culture of openness and interaction in linguistic research, but also to promote citizen science as a tool for the participation of the language community in research. In addition to sharing this aspiration, our objective within the Language Programme is to make sure that old and new corpora in Uralic languages are made available for the open and interactive use of the academic community as well as the language societies. Wordlists are available in 17 languages, but without tokenization, lemmatization, and so on. This approach was verified with the scholars, and we consider the wordlists as raw data for linguists. Our data is used for creating the morphological analyzers and online dictionaries at the Helsinki and Tromsø Universities, for instance. In order to reach the targets, we will produce not only the digitized materials but also their development tools for supporting linguistic research and citizen science. The Digitization Project of Kindred Languages is thus linked with the research of language technology. The mission is to improve the usage and usability of digitized content. During the project, we have advanced methods that will refine the raw data for further use, especially in the linguistic research. How does the library meet the objectives, which appears to be beyond its traditional playground? The written materials from this period are a gold mine, so how could we retrieve these hidden treasures of languages out of the stack that contains more than 200,000 pages of literature in various Uralic languages? The problem is that the machined-encoded text (OCR) contains often too many mistakes to be used as such in research. The mistakes in OCRed texts must be corrected. For enhancing the OCRed texts, the National Library of Finland developed an open-source code OCR editor that enabled the editing of machine-encoded text for the benefit of linguistic research. This tool was necessary to implement, since these rare and peripheral prints did often include already perished characters, which are sadly neglected by the modern OCR software developers, but belong to the historical context of kindred languages and thus are an essential part of the linguistic heritage (van Hemel, 2014). Our crowdsourcing tool application is essentially an editor of Alto XML format. It consists of a back-end for managing users, permissions, and files, communicating through a REST API with a front-end interface—that is, the actual editor for correcting the OCRed text. The enhanced XML files can be retrieved from the Fenno-Ugrica collection for further purposes. Could the crowd do this work to support the academic research? The challenge in crowdsourcing lies in its nature. The targets in the traditional crowdsourcing have often been split into several microtasks that do not require any special skills from the anonymous people, a faceless crowd. This way of crowdsourcing may produce quantitative results, but from the research’s point of view, there is a danger that the needs of linguists are not necessarily met. Also, the remarkable downside is the lack of shared goal or the social affinity. There is no reward in the traditional methods of crowdsourcing (de Boer et al., 2012). Also, there has been criticism that digital humanities makes the humanities too data-driven and oriented towards quantitative methods, losing the values of critical qualitative methods (Fish, 2012). And on top of that, the downsides of the traditional crowdsourcing become more imminent when you leave the Anglophone world. Our potential crowd is geographically scattered in Russia. This crowd is linguistically heterogeneous, speaking 17 different languages. In many cases languages are close to extinction or longing for language revitalization, and the native speakers do not always have Internet access, so an open call for crowdsourcing would not have produced appeasing results for linguists. Thus, one has to identify carefully the potential niches to complete the needed tasks. When using the help of a crowd in a project that is aiming to support both linguistic research and survival of endangered languages, the approach has to be a different one. In nichesourcing, the tasks are distributed amongst a small crowd of citizen scientists (communities). Although communities provide smaller pools to draw resources, their specific richness in skill is suited for complex tasks with high-quality product expectations found in nichesourcing. Communities have a purpose and identity, and their regular interaction engenders social trust and reputation. These communities can correspond to research more precisely (de Boer et al., 2012). Instead of repetitive and rather trivial tasks, we are trying to utilize the knowledge and skills of citizen scientists to provide qualitative results. In nichesourcing, we hand in such assignments that would precisely fill the gaps in linguistic research. A typical task would be editing and collecting the words in such fields of vocabularies where the researchers do require more information. For instance, there is lack of Hill Mari words and terminology in anatomy. We have digitized the books in medicine, and we could try to track the words related to human organs by assigning the citizen scientists to edit and collect words with the OCR editor. From the nichesourcing’s perspective, it is essential that altruism play a central role when the language communities are involved. In nichesourcing, our goal is to reach a certain level of interplay, where the language communities would benefit from the results. For instance, the corrected words in Ingrian will be added to an online dictionary, which is made freely available for the public, so the society can benefit, too. This objective of interplay can be understood as an aspiration to support the endangered languages and the maintenance of lingual diversity, but also as a servant of ‘two masters’: research and society.

Politbyroon oopperat

Kirjallisuusarvostelu

Conflicting Memory in Estonia: How Do Estonian Russian-speakers Understand the Events of 1939-40?

This thesis studies the collective memory of the Russian-speaking minority living in Estonia. The minority is exposed to two national narratives regarding the incorporation of Estonia into the Soviet Union in 1940. According to the Estonian narrative, Estonia was occupied and annexed by the Soviet Union while the Soviet-Russian narrative sees the actions to have been legal and voluntary. This thesis firstly examines thoughts the existence of these two opposing narratives evoke among the Russian-speaking minority and secondly it explores whether the views of the minority compare with the two official yet divergent narratives. The study focuses on the second and third generation minority members. The topic belongs to the field of memory studies. The objective is to understand the views the Russian minority have towards the controversial events of the years 1939-40. To accomplish the objectives set, a web-based survey using open-ended and multiple-choice questions was conducted. The open-ended questions addressed the main research questions while the multiple-choice questions contributed to forming a more comprehensive understanding of the subject in question. In order to interpret the data, qualitative content analysis has been applied. Based on the findings, the Russian-speaking minority respondents’ understanding of the events of 1939-40 could be described as fragmented, inconsistent and including viewpoints that resulted from the merger of different storylines. There is no single cohesive or coherent narrative of the past amongst the minority. In addition to that, their views do not generally comply with the narrative of the Russian Federation as often referred to in literature, even though the minority respondents do not want to see the Soviet involvement as critically as the Estonian narrative does. Many respondents conceive the events of 1939-40 as ambiguous revealing the ability to be tolerant and receptive in their views regarding the past.

Between Dugin’s Eurasianism and Mahan’s Sea Power Concept: Russia’s Geopolitical Discourse within Foucault’s ‘Discursive Tree’ before and After the Incorporation of the Crimea

The fall of 2013 could be characterized as a crossroad in the geopolitics of Eastern Europe, namely Ukraine. Two rivalry geopolitical projects have been developing throughout the post-Cold War years, and it seems that they reached a collision point in Ukraine; a country whose authorities have been for long switching sides between the European Union and the Russian Federation in their foreign policy commitments. The refusal/postponing to sign the Association Agreement with Brussels, an expected event by a large category of the Ukrainian society, by Yanukovich’s government led to the outset of the latter; and brought a pro-Western, anti-Russian government in Kyiv. It seems that Ukraine, after those events, has embarked definitively on the path of integration into the West (European Union and possibly NATO). The Russian Federation, who has been throughout Putin’s years engaged into the re-integration of post-Soviet space, reacted to these developments in an assertive manner by violating borders, agreements and the territorial integrity of Ukraine. Thus, the incorporation of the Crimea into the Russian Federation is the first in its kind in the post-Soviet space, despite the existence of various other conflicts that broke out in the region after the Soviet Union broke up. I will investigate in this thesis the nature of what will be labelled, in this work, the Crimean issue. I argue that the incorporation of the Crimean peninsula into the Russian Federation marks a new era in Russian geopolitical thinking that shapes, to a far extent, Russian foreign policy. Discourse analysis will be the methodological basis for this study, with a special focus on Michel Foucault’s Archaeology of Knowledge. The innovation that this research brings is the fact that it discusses Russian geopolitical discourse within the scope of Foucault’s ‘discursive tree’, with a reference to the Crimean issue. A wide range of primary sources will be consulted in this study such as presidential addresses to the Federal Assembly (2000-2014), Foreign Policy Concepts of the Russian Federation (2000, 2008), Russian maritime doctrines, as wells as Dugin’s Osnovy Geopolitiki (Foundations of Geopolitics), Mahan’s (The Influence of Sea Power Upon History, 1660–1783) and other Eurasianism related literature.

Khrushchev's Beau Geste: the Return of Porkkala and its Global Significance

The return of the Porkkala naval base, which was leased to the Soviet Union at the end of World War II was unexpectedly returned in early 1956, 42 years before the USSR's lease on the area was to expire. There is no commonly accepted reason, and therefore the purpose of this work is to study the possible motives behind the return of Porkkala. These seem to have been reflected in the new foreign policy after the death of Stalin, which went far beyond returning Porkkala to Finland. The Soviet Union's courting of the non-aligned powers during this time, into which category Finland was assigned, also seems to be more than coincidence. However, the greater events of 1956, and the fact that Porkkala is remembered almost exclusively in Finland may have conspired to trap the events around Porkkala into the smaller narrative of Finnish-Soviet relations and the rise of Kekkonen to the presidency, due in no small part to his presence in negotiating the return of Porkkala. However this does not negate the message that Porkkala was intended to broadcast the USSR's new approach to neutrality. Through primary and secondary sources, gleaned from archives in Finland, memoirs of people involved, and historical literature, this thesis hopes to broaden the view that Porkkala's main and only significance lay in the changes it brought to Finnish-Soviet relations.

Mikrotason näkökulma maailman nuorisofestivaaleihin

Kirjallisuusarvostelu

Ethnic conflicts and international politics : an analysis of the communal regional, and global dimensions of the Cyprus problem

The thesis assesses the impact of international factors on relations between Greek and Turkish Cypriots during and after the Cold War. Through an analysis of the Cyprus problem it explores both why external actors intervene in communal conflicts and how they influence relations between ethnic groups in plural societies. The analytical framework employed throughout the study draws on contributions of International Relations theorists and students of ethnic conflict. The thesis argues that, as in the global political system, relations between ethnic groups in unranked communal systems are anarchic; that is, actors within the system do not recognize a sovereign political authority. In bipolar communal systems dominated by two relatively equal groups, the struggle for security and power often leads to appeals for assistance from external actors. The framework notes that neighboring states and Great Powers may heed calls for assistance, or intervene without a prior request, if it is in their interest to do so. The convergence of regional and global interests in communal affairs exacerbates ethnic conflicts and precludes the development of effective political institutions. The impact of external intervention in ethnic conflicts has the potential to alter the basis of communal relations. The Cyprus problem is examined both during and after the Cold War in order to gauge how global and regional actors and the structure of their respective systems have affected relations between ethnic groups in Cyprus. The thesis argues that Cyprus's descent into civil war in 1963 was due in part to the entrenchment of external interests in the Republic's constitution. The study also notes that power politics involving the United States, Soviet Union, Greece and Turkey continued to affect the development of communal relations throughout the 1960s, 70s, and, 80s. External intervention culminated in July and August 1974, after a Greek sponsored coup was answered by Turkey's invasion and partition of Cyprus. The forced expulsion of Greek Cypriots from the island's northern territories led to the establishment of ethnically homogeneous zones, thus altering the context of communal relations dramatically. The study also examines the role of the United Nations in Cyprus, noting that its failure to settle the dispute was due in large part to a lack of cooperation from Turkey, and the United States' and Soviet Union's acceptance of the status quo following the 1974 invasion and partition of the island. The thesis argues that the deterioration of Greek-Turkish relations in the post-Cold War era has made a solution to the dispute unlikely for the time being. Barring any dramatic changes in relations between communal and regional antagonists, relations between Greek and Turkish Cypriots will continue to develop along the lines established in July/August 1974. The thesis concludes by affirming the validity of its core hypotheses through a brief survey of recent works touching on international politics and ethnic conflict. Questions requiring further research are noted as are elements of the study that require further refinement.

The waning of the two giants: the electoral decline of the Italian Christian Democratic Party and the Italian Communist Party

Italy is currently experiencing profound political change. One aspect of this change involves the decline in electoral support for the Italian Christian Democratic Party (DC) and the Italian Communist Party (PCI), now the Democratic Party of the Left (PDS). Signs of the electoral decline of both parties began to appear in the late 1970s and early 1980s and accelerated in the late 1980s and early 1990s. The pr imar y purpos e of th is thes is is to expla i n the electoral decline of the DC and PCI/PDS in the last decade. The central question being addressed in this thesis is the following: What factors contributed to the decline in electoral support for the DC and PCI? In addition, the thesis attempts to better comprehend the change in magni tude and direction of the Italian party system. The thesis examines the central question within an analytical framework that consists of models explaining electoral change in advanced industrial democracies and in Italy. A review of the literature on electoral change in Italy reveals three basic models: structural (socioeconomic and demographic factors), subcultural (the decline of the Catholic and Communist subcultures), and pol i tical (factors such as party strategy, and the crisis and collapse of communism in iv Eastern Europe and the former soviet Union and the end to the Cold War). Significant structural changes have occurred in Italy, but they do not invariably hurt or benefit either party. The Catholic and Communist subcultures have declined in size and strength, but only gradually. More importantly, the study discovers that the decline of communism and party strategy adversely affected the electoral performances of the DC and PC!. The basic conclusion is that political factors primarily and directly contributed to the decline in electoral support for both parties, while societal factors (structural and subcultural changes) played a secondary and indirect role. While societal factors do not contribute directly to the decline in electoral support for both parties, they do provide the context within which both parties operated. In addition, the Italian party system is becoming more fragmented and traditional political parties are losing electoral support to new political movements, such as the Lega Nord (LN-Northern League) and the Rete (Network). The growing importance of the North-South and centre-periphery cleavages suggests that the Italian party system, which is traditionally based on religious and ideological cleavages, may be changing.

Egon Bahr, l'Ostpolitik et la place de l'Allemagne dans un nouvel ordre européen, 1945-1975

Cette thèse porte sur les conceptions d’Egon Bahr dans le domaine de la politique à l’Est (Ostpolitik) de la République fédérale d’Allemagne (RFA) entre 1945 et 1975. L’analyse se concentre sur le lien entre l’Ostpolitik et l’idée que Bahr se fait de la place et du rôle de l’Allemagne en Europe. Plus précisément, cette étude veut cerner les buts poursuivis par Bahr dans le cadre de la politique orientale. La première partie traite du développement conceptuel de l’Ostpolitik (1945-1969), tandis que la seconde examine sa mise en application entre l’élection de Willy Brandt comme chancelier de la RFA et la conclusion des accords d’Helsinki (1969-1975). Les principales sources utilisées sont les écrits de Bahr ainsi que des documents inédits se trouvant dans divers centres d’archives non seulement en Allemagne, mais aussi aux États-Unis, en France et en Grande-Bretagne. Pour Bahr, l’Ostpolitik ne saurait se résumer à l’élimination des obstacles qui gênent la diplomatie ouest-allemande durant la guerre froide. Bahr poursuit plutôt un projet nationaliste ambitieux dans le contexte des relations avec le bloc soviétique : créer les conditions d’une redéfinition de la place de l’Allemagne en Europe. Pour lui, l’Ostpolitik constitue un instrument idéal pour faire de l’Allemagne la puissance prépondérante dans un nouvel ordre de paix européen. Trois éléments complémentaires participent à l’accomplissement de cette vision : 1) la consolidation de la paix et de la sécurité continentales; 2) la réunification allemande et 3) l’émancipation de la politique étrangère (ouest-)allemande. Cette thèse éclaire la pensée politique de Bahr et contribue à une meilleure compréhension de la signification de l’Ostpolitik dans le contexte plus large de la politique étrangère de la RFA. Les conceptions de Bahr sont uniques dans l’Allemagne de la guerre froide parce qu’elles sont centrées sur les notions de puissance, d’intérêt national et de « normalité ». En même temps, Bahr comprend que la coopération doit toujours rester l’instrument diplomatique privilégié des Allemands vu leur position géographique centrale. À travers le prisme des conceptions de son « architecte », l’Ostpolitik apparaît comme un véritable effort de réconciliation entre la paix en Europe et l’affirmation de l’influence allemande sur la scène internationale.

Le Régime Juridique de la mer Caspienne

Depuis la création de l'Union soviétique jusqu'à sa dissolution, la mer Caspienne appartenait à l'Iran et à l'URSS, qui constituaient ses deux seuls États riverains. Ces derniers avaient convenu de gérer la Caspienne «en commun », selon un régime de condominium, dans deux accords bilatéraux signés en 1921 et 1940. Cependant, après le démembrement de l'Union soviétique en 1991, trois nouveaux États indépendants et riverains de la Caspienne (1'Azerbaïdjan, le Kazakhstan et le Turkménistan) se sont ajoutés à l'équation, et ont exigé une révision du régime juridique conventionnel en vigueur. Ainsi, des négociations multilatérales ont été entamées, lesquelles ont mis en relief plusieurs questions juridiques faisant l'objet d'interprétation divergente: Le régime juridique conventionnel de 1921 et de 1940 (établissant une gestion en commun) est-il toujours valable dans la nouvelle conjoncture? Les nouveaux États riverains successeurs de l'Union soviétique sont-ils tenus de respecter les engagements de l'ex-URSS envers l'Iran quant à la Caspienne? Quel est l'ordre juridique applicable à la mer Caspienne? Serait-ce le droit de la mer (UNCLOS) ou le droit des traités? La notion de rebus sic stantibus - soit le « changement fondamental de circonstances» - aurait-elle pour effet l'annulation des traités de 1921 et de 1940? Les divisions administratives internes effectuées en 1970 par l'URSS pour délimiter la mer sont-elles valides aujourd'hui, en tant que frontières maritimes? Dans la présente recherche, nous prendrons position en faveur de la validité du régime juridique établi par les traités de 1921 et de 1940 et nous soutiendrons la position des États qui revendiquent la transmission des engagements de l'ex-URSS envers l'Iran aux nouveaux États riverains. Pour cela nous effectuerons une étude complète de la situation juridique de la mer Caspienne en droit international et traiterons chacune des questions mentionnées ci-dessus. Le droit des traités, le droit de la succession d'États, la Convention des Nations Unies du droit de la mer de 1982, la doctrine, la jurisprudence de la C.I.J et les positions des États riverains de la Caspienne à l'ONU constituent nos sources pour l'analyse détaillée de cette situation.

La Guerre civile espagnole : l'influence du Québec sur les politiques du gouvernement fédéral

La politique extérieure canadienne en regard de la Guerre civile espagnole fut adoptée en juillet 1937. Le gouvernement canadien adopta une politique de neutralité analogue à celle pilotée par la Grande-Bretagne à travers le Comité de non-intevention. Il promulgua un embargo sur l’exportation d’armes de toutes sortes sur le territoire espagnol, et ce, aux deux belligérants. De plus, avec la Loi sur l’enrôlement à l’étranger, Ottawa criminalisa l’engagement volontaire sur toutes ses formes, plus particulièrement le Bataillon Mackenzie – Papineau, ramification canadienne des Brigades Internationales. Au Québec, cette guerre fut fortement ressentie. Les élites traditionnelles et le clergé catholique anathématisent le Front Populaire espagnol en l’assimilant au communisme soviétique, et se solidarisent avec leurs coreligionnaires espagnols. Selon Ernest Lapointe, bras droit de Mackenzie King au Québec, Ottawa doit tenir compte du courant conservateur chez les Québécois francophones afin de prévenir une crise domestique pouvant avoir des conséquences sur l’unité nationale. Mais la politique étrangère du Canada à l’égard du gouvernement républicain espagnol n’a que partiellement été influencée par la réaction clérico-nationaliste au Québec. Elle est bien davantage le résultat de l’alignement du Canada sur la politique étrangère britannique.

Pouvoir et subjectivation : dialogue Arendt/Foucault sur les origines des camps de la mort

La divulgation dans les médias de masse des atrocités commises dans les camps de concentration nazis et soviétiques n’a pas ébranlé que les milieux politiques. Plusieurs chercheurs en sciences humaines (on pense immédiatement à l’expérience de Milgram) et en philosophie ont cherché à comprendre le fonctionnement des régimes totalitaires. Hannah Arendt, en plus d’avoir contribué à la popularisation du concept de totalitarisme, a été l’une des premières à en rechercher les origines. Bien qu’il n’ait jamais abordé de front la question du nazisme et du stalinisme, Michel Foucault a, lui aussi, ancré ses recherches sur le pouvoir dans une démarche généalogique. Plus précisément, c’est lors de ses travaux sur la gouvernementalité et la biopolitique qu’il a étudié les rationalités gouvernementales, leurs technologies et leur effet subjectivant. Les objectifs de cette recherche sont de présenter un exposé critique de ces deux approches des phénomènes de pouvoir en Occident et de produire une étude comparative du phénomène totalitaire.

La representación literaria del "negro" en la Cuba de entre-siglos : Eliseo Altunaga y Marta Rojas (1990-2005)

À partir des années 90, parmi les transformations qu’entraine l’effondrement de l’Union soviétique à Cuba et au milieu des redéfinitions de la cubanité, apparaissent des œuvres narratives contre-discursives et actualisées sur la négritude, la race et le racisme. La représentation du Noir dans les romans de cette période prend toute sa signification du fait que se configure alors un champ de discussion dans lequel convergent différentes modalités et perceptions. Notre recherche explore le terrain discursif entourant les définitions de la cubanité et la négritude qui circulent à cette période à Cuba, pour ensuite voir de quelle manière elles se répercutent sur les auteurs et textes littéraires. À travers l’analyse des oeuvres des écrivains Eliseo Altuanga et Marta Rojas, cette thèse reconstruit leurs dialogues avec l’historiographie littéraire cubaine, l’Histoire de l’Ile et les discours plus actualisés quant au débat ethno-racial. Au moyen de visualisations opposées par rapport à l’histoire de Cuba, Altuanga et Rojas élaborent des œuvres et des personnages avec des différences idéoesthétiques marquées. Ainsi, le premier focalisera sur la recherche d’une rupture épistémologique quant à la conception du Noir dans l’imaginaire cubain, soulignant les événements de l’histoire nationale qui considèrent le Noir comme protagoniste, ce qui renforce l’idée d’une continuité dans son état de subalternisation. En ce qui concerne les protagonistes de Rojas, elle fait appel à des mulâtresses pour raconter le processus de transculturation par lequel, à son point de vue, s’est consolidée l’identité culturelle actuelle des Cubains. Suspendue dans un espace d’énonciation intermédiaire entre les premières décennies de la Révolution et la Période spéciale en Temps de Paix, Rojas construit une trilogie romanesque qui s’efforce à signaler la coupure entre les périodes pré- et postrévolutionnaires quant au traitement du Noir.