PROEJA FIC/Fundamental no IFRN-Campus Mossoró: das intenções declaradas ao funcionamento de um curso em espaço prisional

This research aims to analyze the FIC Course of Assistant Technician in Service Management and Quality, integrated to elementary education / EJA form developed by IFRN MO Campus between 2011 and 2013 in the form of a PROEJA FIC / AT ELEMENTARY SCHOOL LEVEL. We seek to understand the adhesion between the national guidelines postulated for the Program, established in PPC and mediations with the process conceived in the run of the course. Guiding by the socio-critical approach and the dialogical paradigm, the theoretical-epistemological mark is especially buoyed by the theoretical contributions of Ciavatta (2005) , Rock (2011) , Haddad and Di Pierro (2000), Freire (2005), Marx (1982), Ramos (2005), Frigotto; Ciavatta; Ramos (2005), Moura (2012), and also on education in prisons by Onofre (2007, 2011), Bueno (2007), Julião (2011) and Foucault (2001). We assume that an action that enables professional qualification as FIC courses articulated to the EJA in the context of education in prisons have conceptual, methodological, political and pedagogical implications for it focuses challenges, weaknesses and opportunities on the same area of education., We have developed four techniques of data collection based on procedures and tools of qualitative research, such as document analysis, a student survey, the conduction of focus groups with teachers and administrators of the course and on-site observation. Mediated by the investigated context, results showed that the consolidation of PROEJA FIC / AT ELEMENTARY SCHOOL LEVEL goes beyond the intentions officially declared. It is inferred that after seven years of its creation, even though it keeps some potential, this program is not being satisfactorily developed and it shows weaknesses national and locally, it is set at low capillarity, it has a limited scope, and dissolved essential public commitments to the course development. The effectiveness of PROEJA FIC / AT ELEMENTARY SCHOOL LEVEL as part of an emancipatory inclusion social policy, according to official statement, entails approximating the legal logic with social logic, so as not only to propagate discourses and enforce worship to specific and successful experiences that reach only a minority, but to provide actual and necessary conditions to promote the breadth and social quality of the offered deals in this program format

Saúde da família: uma estratégia de mudança no processo de produção dos serviços de saúde

The purpose of this study is to analyze, from the point of view of nurses, changes that took place in the process of providing health services after the introduction of the Family Health Program (FHP). It is na investigation of qualitative nature that uses semi-structured interviews as a main empirical approach tool. Six nurses from the city of Caicó, Rio Grande do Norte, who were working with basic care before the introduction of the FHP, within basic care, were: adscription and ties with the community; hospitality and the humanizacion of care-giving; decrease in cases of inpatient treatment; strengthening of the prevention of injuries and health promotion; improvemente of health indicatiors, finally, actions that point towads meeting the principles of wholeness, equity and universality as a declaration of the Brazilian National Health Care System (SUS). Nevertheless, in spite of all recognizable positive aspects, the FHP has some weaknesses, such as: the difficulty posed by colletive work; the mismatch between professional education and the demands of the current health standard; a poor physical infrastructure of the Basic Health Units; a high heath staff turnover and precarious work conditions. In addition to this, some strategies that can be used to help improve the process of providing health services have been pointed out, such as, coordination between sectors, continuous education, making work conditions less precarious and improving the means whereby heathy service management is conveyed,Tthus, finally, we understand that the FHP does bring forward meaningful changes to the process of provinding health services to strengthen the Brasilian National Health Care System (SUS), in spite of the fact that it lies within a scenario of adversities that can be overcome through the collective endeavor of the several social actors

Condições e relações de trabalho no serviço público: o caso do governo Lula

Cet article a l'objectif de détailler les diverses initiatives du gouvernement Lula (2003-2010) par rapport à la mise en forme d'une politique de ressources humaines et, de cette façon, vérifier s'il y a eu une amélioration des conditions et relations de travail dans le secteur public brésilien. À partir des années 1990, et dans le sens contraire de la grande croissance de l'emploi public dans les six décennies précédentes, l'adhésion des gouvernements brésiliens aux principes du « Consensus de Washington » souligne le fonctionnalisme comme point fondamental dans l'agenda des réformes nécessaires à la reprise de la croissance économique. Ces gouvernements là se sont penchés sur le traitement de l'emploi public comme étant un problème fiscal et ont agi pour restreindre sa dimension. Simultanément, les conditions et relations de travail se sont présentées plus fragilisées (rendues évidentes par l'absence de réajustement de salaire; la croissance de formes variables de rémunération ; l'élargissement du cadre de travailleurs temporaires et externes, e avec l'attitude autoritaire devant la représentation syndicale). Avec une recherche documentaire et bibliographique, on pourra remarquer que la restructuration de nombreuses carrières, la reprise des concours, la création de la « Réunion Nationale de Négotiation Permanente », la réforme de la sécurité sociale et les réajustements selectifs des rémunérations manifestent l'ambiguïté comme une marque fondamentale des politiques de ressources humaines. Cela parce que, au même temps, les progrès des conditions de travail du serviteur public ont toujours été accompagnés par l'entretien d'une partie de l'agenda conservatrice des années 1990, surtout par rapport à la reproduction de limites fiscaux rigoureux.

Evaluation of the performance of pharmacists in terms of providing health assistance at a university hospital

OBJETIVE: This study aimed to assess the practices of pharmacists in Hospital Care. Method - we interviewed 20 pharmacists from the Pharmacy Division by applying a structured instrument, in September 2005. This instrument addressed aspects related to the main activities at the Hospital Pharmacy, which were assessed according to indicators organized into five areas: sector management, hospital pharmacotechniques, committee activities, information and pharmacotherapeutic follow-up, as well as teaching and research activities.RESULTS: the Pharmacy Division considered all structural aspects under analysis as essential for the good development and application of its services. We found that some essential services, such as the Medication Information Service and Pharmacotherapeutic Follow-up, were absent. Pharmacist professionals were dissatisfied about human resource and physical structure dimensioning, and they presented as not very active in terms of Pharmaceutical Care.CONCLUSION: Results indicate that care is still centered on the drug, with few clinical activities. We suggest reformulations in service management, particularly in the management of pharmacists.

Desenvolvimento de um sistema de laudos histopatológicos baseado na plataforma microsoft .net 2.0

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Boas práticas de fabricação (bpf), análise de tomate e água em restaurantes da cidade de Botucatu-SP

Pós-graduação em Agronomia (Energia na Agricultura) - FCA

Afastamento por licença-saúde, readaptação funcional e suas implicações no gerenciamento de enfermagem

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Uma reforma contra o funcionalismo

Este artigo analisa a proposta de reforma do Estado focada no funcionalismo público durante os dois mandatos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, confirmando a perspectiva fiscalista presente nas reformas do século XX e a preservação de pontos históricos de deficiência do serviço público.

Melhoria dos serviços de TI utilizando o gerenciamento de serviços

Pós-graduação em Engenharia de Produção - FEG

Avaliação do uso de medicamentos psicotrópicos pelos pacientes de uma Unidade Básica de Saúde de um município de pequeno porte do Estado de São Paulo

Pós-graduação em Saúde Coletiva - FMB

The Dynamics of the Policies of Ethnic Cleansing in Silesia in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries

Through studying German, Polish and Czech publications on Silesia, Mr. Kamusella found that most of them, instead of trying to objectively analyse the past, are devoted to proving some essential "Germanness", "Polishness" or "Czechness" of this region. He believes that the terminology and thought-patterns of nationalist ideology are so deeply entrenched in the minds of researchers that they do not consider themselves nationalist. However, he notes that, due to the spread of the results of the latest studies on ethnicity/nationalism (by Gellner, Hobsbawm, Smith, Erikson Buillig, amongst others), German publications on Silesia have become quite objective since the 1980s, and the same process (impeded by under funding) has been taking place in Poland and the Czech Republic since 1989. His own research totals some 500 pages, in English, presented on disc. So what are the traps into which historians have been inclined to fall? There is a tendency for them to treat Silesia as an entity which has existed forever, though Mr. Kamusella points out that it emerged as a region only at the beginning of the 11th century. These same historians speak of Poles, Czechs and Germans in Silesia, though Mr. Kamusella found that before the mid-19th century, identification was with an inhabitant's local area, religion or dynasty. In fact, a German national identity started to be forged in Prussian Silesia only during the Liberation War against Napoleon (1813-1815). It was concretised in 1861 in the form of the first Prussian census, when the language a citizen spoke was equated with his/her nationality. A similar census was carried out in Austrian Silesia only in 1881. The censuses forced the Silesians to choose their nationality despite their multiethnic multicultural identities. It was the active promotion of a German identity in Prussian Silesia, and Vienna's uneasy acceptance of the national identities in Austrian Silesia which stimulated the development of Polish national, Moravian ethnic and Upper Silesian ethnic regional identities in Upper Silesia, and Polish national, Czech national, Moravian ethnic and Silesian ethnic identities in Austrian Silesia. While traditional historians speak of the "nationalist struggle" as though it were a permanent characteristic of Silesia, Mr. Kamusella points out that such a struggle only developed in earnest after 1918. What is more, he shows how it has been conveniently forgotten that, besides the national players, there were also significant ethnic movements of Moravians, Upper Silesians, Silesians and the tutejsi (i.e. those who still chose to identify with their locality). At this point Mr. Kamusella moves into the area of linguistics. While traditionally historians have spoken of the conflicts between the three national languages (German, Polish and Czech), Mr Kamusella reminds us that the standardised forms of these languages, which we choose to dub "national", were developed only in the mid-18th century, after 1869 (when Polish became the official language in Galicia), and after the 1870s (when Czech became the official language in Bohemia). As for standard German, it was only widely promoted in Silesia from the mid 19th century onwards. In fact, the majority of the population of Prussian Upper Silesia and Austrian Silesia were bi- or even multilingual. What is more, the "Polish" and "Czech" Silesians spoke were not the standard languages we know today, but a continuum of West-Slavic dialects in the countryside and a continuum of West-Slavic/German creoles in the urbanised areas. Such was the linguistic confusion that, from time to time, some ethnic/regional and Church activists strove to create a distinctive Upper Silesian/Silesian language on the basis of these dialects/creoles, but their efforts were thwarted by the staunch promotion of standard German, and after 1918, of standard Polish and Czech. Still on the subject of language, Mr. Kamusella draws attention to a problem around the issue of place names and personal names. Polish historians use current Polish versions of the Silesian place names, Czechs use current Polish/Czech versions of the place names, and Germans use the German versions which were in use in Silesia up to 1945. Mr. Kamusella attempted to avoid this, as he sees it, nationalist tendency, by using an appropriate version of a place name for a given period and providing its modern counterpart in parentheses. In the case of modern place names he gives the German version in parentheses. As for the name of historical figures, he strove to use the name entered on the birth certificate of the person involved, and by doing so avoid such confusion as, for instance, surrounds the Austrian Silesian pastor L.J. Sherschnik, who in German became Scherschnick, in Polish, Szersznik, and in Czech, Sersnik. Indeed, the prospective Silesian scholar should, Mr. Kamusella suggests, as well as the three languages directly involved in the area itself, know English and French, since many documents and books on the subject have been published in these languages, and even Latin, when dealing in depth with the period before the mid-19th century. Mr. Kamusella divides the policies of ethnic cleansing into two categories. The first he classifies as soft, meaning that policy is confined to the educational system, army, civil service and the church, and the aim is that everyone learn the language of the dominant group. The second is the group of hard policies, which amount to what is popularly labelled as ethnic cleansing. This category of policy aims at the total assimilation and/or physical liquidation of the non-dominant groups non-congruent with the ideal of homogeneity of a given nation-state. Mr. Kamusella found that soft policies were consciously and systematically employed by Prussia/Germany in Prussian Silesia from the 1860s to 1918, whereas in Austrian Silesia, Vienna quite inconsistently dabbled in them from the 1880s to 1917. In the inter-war period, the emergence of the nation-states of Poland and Czechoslovakia led to full employment of the soft policies and partial employment of the hard ones (curbed by the League of Nations minorities protection system) in Czechoslovakian Silesia, German Upper Silesia and the Polish parts of Upper and Austrian Silesia. In 1939-1945, Berlin started consistently using all the "hard" methods to homogenise Polish and Czechoslovakian Silesia which fell, in their entirety, within the Reich's borders. After World War II Czechoslovakia regained its prewar part of Silesia while Poland was given its prewar section plus almost the whole of the prewar German province. Subsequently, with the active involvement and support of the Soviet Union, Warsaw and Prague expelled the majority of Germans from Silesia in 1945-1948 (there were also instances of the Poles expelling Upper Silesian Czechs/Moravians, and of the Czechs expelling Czech Silesian Poles/pro-Polish Silesians). During the period of communist rule, the same two countries carried out a thorough Polonisation and Czechisation of Silesia, submerging this region into a new, non-historically based administrative division. Democratisation in the wake of the fall of communism, and a gradual retreat from the nationalist ideal of the homogeneous nation-state with a view to possible membership of the European Union, caused the abolition of the "hard" policies and phasing out of the "soft" ones. Consequently, limited revivals of various ethnic/national minorities have been observed in Czech and Polish Silesia, whereas Silesian regionalism has become popular in the westernmost part of Silesia which remained part of Germany. Mr. Kamusella believes it is possible that, with the overcoming of the nation-state discourse in European politics, when the expression of multiethnicity and multilingualism has become the cause of the day in Silesia, regionalism will hold sway in this region, uniting its ethnically/nationally variegated population in accordance with the principle of subsidiarity championed by the European Union.

Democratic Transition and Political Patronage

Mr. Korosenyi begins by analysing the particular relationship holding between politics and administration in different countries. Within Europe three major patterns have emerged in the 20th century. Firstly there is the politically neutral British Civil Service, secondly the German and French state bureaucracies, which traditionally are supposed to embody the "common good", and thirdly there is the patronage system of the so-called consociate democracies, e.g. Austria. In general Mr. Korosenyi believes that, though politics do not penetrate into the Hungarian administration to the extent they do in Belgium and Austria, nevertheless, there is a stronger fusion than there is in the traditional British pattern. He is particularly interested in this relationship with regard to its effect on democratic institution building and the stabilisation of the new regime in Hungary, now the old "nomenklatura" system has been abolished. The structure of the Hungarian government was a result of the constitutional amendments of 1989 and 1990. Analysing this period, it becomes clear that for all the political actors who initiated and supported the democratic transition to democracy, the underlying assumption was a radical depoliticisation of the administration in order to maintain its stability. The political leadership of the executive is a cabinet government. The government is structured along ministries, each headed by a politician, i.e. the minister, who is a member of the cabinet. The minister's political secretary is not a cabinet member, but he or she is a politician, usually a member of the parliament. The head of the administration of the ministry is the administrative state secretary, who is a civil servant. He or she usually has four deputies, also civil servants. Naturally it is assumed that there should be a clear separation between politicians and civil servants. However in practice, the borders can be blurred, giving rise to a hybrid known as the "political civil servant". Mr. Korosenyi analyses the different faces of these hybrids. They are civil servants for the following reasons. They need special educational qualifications, working experience, a civil service exam etc., they are not allowed to do anything which is incompatible with their impartial role, and they cannot occupy political office nor may they appear in the name of any political party. On the other hand, the accepted political dimension to their function is revealed by the following facts. The state secretary (a civil servant) may participate in cabinet meetings instead of the minister. The state secretary is employed by the minister. A state secretary or any of their deputies can be dismissed at any time by the minister or the prime minister. In practice then, ministers appoint to these senior administrative positions civil servants whose personal and political loyaties are strong. To the second level of political patronage in ministries belong the ministerial cabinet, press office and public relation office. The ministerial cabinet includes the private advisors and members of the personal staff of the minister. The press office and the PR office, if they exist, are not adjusted to the administrative hierarchy of the ministry, but under the direct control of the minister. In the beginning of the 1990s, such offices were exceptions; in the second half of the 90s they are accepted and to be found in most ministries. Mr. Korosenyi's work, a 92-page manuscript of a book in Hungarian, marks the first piece of literature within the field of political science which analyses the structure of the Hungarian government in the 1990s and the relationship between the political leadership and the public administration.

The Amplifier - v. 4, no. 9

In this issue...Dej Tewtong, Civil Service Commision, Chess Club, Russian Submarines, Mine Rescue Training, Washoe Theatre, Anaconda, Montana

The Amplifier - v. 5, no. 1

In this issue...Glee Club, Naranche Stadium, Circle K club, Coffee Shop, Fulbright Scholarship, U.S. Civil Service, Phil Judd, Frank H. Kelly, Butte High School

The Amplifier - v. 5, no. 5

In this issue...Civil Service Commission, M-Club, Blue Shield Plan, John Sikkar, International Club, Butte Civic Center, Mines Hockey, Dave Malyevac, Bowling