942 resultados para Trudinger-Moser Inequality


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MSC 2010: 03E72, 26E50, 28E10

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Асен Божилов, Недялко Ненов - Нека G е n-върхов граф и редицата от степените на върховете му е d1, d2, . . . , dn, а V(G) е множеството от върховете на G. Степента на върха v бележим с d(v). Най-малкото естествено число r, за което V(G) има r-разлагане V(G) = V1 ∪ V2 ∪ · · · ∪ Vr, Vi ∩ Vj = ∅, , i 6 = j такова, че d(v) ≤ n − |Vi|, ∀v ∈ Vi, i = 1, 2, . . . , r е означено с ϕ(G). В тази работа доказваме неравенството ...

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Снежана Христова, Кремена Стефанова, Лиляна Ванкова - В работата са решени няколко нови видове линейни дискретни неравенства, които съдържат максимума на неизвестната функция в отминал интервал от време. Някои от тези неравенства са приложени за изучаване непрекъснатата зависимост от смущения при дискретни уравнения с максимуми.

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2000 Mathematics Subject Classification: 90C46, 90C26, 26B25, 49J52.

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This dissertation addresses three issues in the political economy of growth literature. The first study empirically tests the hypothesis that income inequality influences the size of a country's sovereign debt for a sample of developing countries for the period 1970–1990. The argument examined is that governments tend to yield to popular pressures to engage in redistributive policies, partially financed by foreign borrowing. Facing increased risk of default, international creditors limit the credit they extend, with the result that borrowing countries invest less and grow at a slower pace. The findings do not seem to support the negative relationship between inequality and sovereign debt, as there is evidence of increases in multilateral, countercyclical flows until the mid 1980s in Latin America. The hypothesis would hold for the period 1983–1990. Debt flows and levels seem to be positively correlated with growth as expected. ^ The second study empirically investigates the hypothesis that pronounced levels of inequality lead to unconsolidated democracies. We test the existence of a nonmonotonic relationship between inequality and democracy for a sample of Latin American countries for the period 1970–2000, where democracy appears to consolidate at some intermediate level of inequality. We find that the nonmonotonic relationship holds using instrumental variables methods. Bolivia seems to be a case of unconsolidated democracy. The positive relationship between per capita income and democracy disappears once fixed effects are introduced. ^ The third study explores the nonlinear relationship between per capita income and private saving levels in Latin America. Several estimation methods are presented; however, only the estimation of a dynamic specification through a state-of-the-art general method of moments estimator yields consistent estimates with increased efficiency. Results support the hypothesis that income positively affects private saving, while system GMM reveals nonlinear effects at income levels that exceed the ones included in this sample for the period 1960–1994. We also find that growth, government dissaving, and tightening of credit constraints have a highly significant and positive effect on private saving. ^

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Professor Clement Fatovic, Director of Graduate Studies for Politic Sciences, lectures on the subject of the American Founding. Lecture held at the Green Library, Modesto Maidique Campus, Florida International University, on April 10, 2013.

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This dissertation analyzes both the economics of the defense contracting process and the impact of total dollar obligations on the economies of U.S. states. Using various econometric techniques, I will estimate relationships across individual contracts, state level output, and income inequality. I will achieve this primarily through the use of a dataset on individual contract obligations. ^ The first essay will catalog the distribution of contracts and isolate aspects of the process that contribute to contract dollar obligations. Accordingly, this study describes several characteristics about individual defense contracts, from 1966-2006: (i) the distribution of contract dollar obligations is extremely rightward skewed, (ii) contracts are unevenly distributed in a geographic sense across the United States, (iii) increased duration of a contract by 10 percent is associated with an increase in costs by 4 percent, (iv) competition does not seem to affect dollar obligations in a substantial way, (v) contract pre-payment financing increases the obligation of contracts from anywhere from 62 to 380 percent over non-financed contracts. ^ The second essay will turn to an aggregate focus, and look the impact of defense spending on state economic output. The analysis in chapter two attempts to estimate the state level fiscal multiplier, deploying Difference-in-Differences estimation as an attempt to filter out potential endogeneity bias. Interstate variation in procurement spending facilitates utilization of a natural experiment scenario, focusing on the spike in relative spending in 1982. The state level relative multiplier estimate here is 1.19, and captures the short run, impact effect of the 1982 spending spike. ^ Finally I will look at the relationship between defense contracting and income inequality. Military spending has typically been observed to have a negative relationship with income inequality. The third chapter examines the existence of this relationship, combining data on defense procurement with data on income inequality at the state level, in a longitudinal analysis across the United States. While the estimates do not suggest a significant relationship exists for the income share of the top ten percent of households, there is a significant positive relationship for the income share of top one percent households for an increase in defense procurement.^

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Since the 1990s, voter turnout in Canadian federal elections has decreased considerably. During the same period, economic inequality significantly increased. Although there is much theoretical work, there have been few empirical studies examining the effect of economic inequality on voter turnout. Using data collected from both national and international sources, I conducted an aggregate level, time series analysis of national turnout and economic inequality for Canadian federal elections between 1979 and 2011. Moreover, this thesis tests Schattschneider's (1960) hypothesis, which argues that increasing rates of voter abstention are a result of economic inequality magnifying differences in relative power between affluent and non-affluent citizens. The findings indicate that economic inequality has a strong negative effect on voter turnout.

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Date of Acceptance: 02/03/2015

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Date of Acceptance: 02/03/2015

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Acknowledgments This work has been undertaken with the support of the A*MIDEX project (n ∘ ANR-11-IDEX-0001-02) funded by the “Investissements d’Avenir” French Government program, managed by the French National Research Agency (ANR). We are grateful to Julian Williams, Editor Badi H. Baltagi and an anonymous referee for helpful comments. We are responsible for any errors.