985 resultados para Right (Political science)


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Établir une régulation de l’économie numérique au Sénégal représente un enjeu fondamental pour les gouvernants et l’ensemble des acteurs qui la compose. Suivant une démarche plus globalisée, d’énormes mutations normatives visant les rationalités et les mécanismes de réglementations ont évolué dans le temps donnant une place plus considérable au droit dans les politiques publiques des États. Différents modèles normatifs et institutionnels sont ainsi adaptés pour prendre en charge le phénomène de la convergence dépendamment du contexte réglementaire du pays. Pour ce qui est du contexte actuel du Sénégal, l’étanchéité des réglementations relatives aux télécommunications et à l’audiovisuel, désormais convergent, est fondée sur un modèle de réglementation sectorielle. Toutefois, leur convergence a provoqué un brouillage des frontières qui risque désormais de poser des conséquences énormes sur le plan normatif tel que des risques d’enchevêtrement sur le plan institutionnel ou réglementaire. Or au plan national, il n’existe à ce jour aucun texte visant à assoir les bases d’une régulation convergente. Ainsi, à la question de savoir si la régulation sectorielle est pertinente au regard de l’environnement du numérique marqué par la convergence, il s’est avéré qu’elle pourrait être adoptée comme modèle à court terme. Mais dans un but de réaliser des économies d’échelle pour réguler efficacement les différents secteurs et industries infrastructurelles, il faut un modèle de régulation unique marquée par la fusion de l’ARTP et du CNRA. D’une part, la régulation sectorielle permet d’accompagner la transition vers le numérique déjà lancée et d’autre part la régulation multisectorielle servira une fois la convergence des marchés établis.

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En retraçant le parcours intellectuel de l’historien, moraliste et critique américain Christopher Lasch, ce mémoire vise à mettre en exergue la pertinence et les subtilités de sa pensée politique. Sur la base d’une analyse de ses principaux textes, nous démontrerons, qu’au-delà du pessimisme et du catastrophisme qui lui sont généralement attribués, Lasch porte un regard fécond sur la singularité de l’époque contemporaine. Nous soutiendrons que ses critiques acerbes sur la société et l’individu sont faites, avant tout, dans le but de remédier aux carences morales et sociétales qui auraient engendré un certain idéal libéral progressiste. Selon Lasch, le déploiement continu et illimité de cet idéal est en dissonance avec le caractère essentiellement contingent et conflictuel de la condition humaine. Parallèlement, nous présenterons les incidences psychiques qui se traduisent par une « culture du narcissisme » suscitée notamment par diverses composantes de la société contemporaine. À travers une relecture de la condition humaine, Lasch préconise un correctif idéologique qui est axé sur les notions de limites et d’espoir et qui se trouve au sein de la tradition agraire populiste américaine du 19e siècle. Nous démontrerons ainsi comment ce retour en arrière est entamé dans le but de susciter un renouveau politique et identitaire au sein de la société. L’étude se conclura par une discussion sur la plausibilité de l’idéal populiste, tel que l’entend Lasch, à l’ère du 21e siècle.

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This paper applies a SRT framework to the study of two case studies, namely the recent campaign of opposition to the legalization of hydraulic fracking in the State of New York and the more ongoing debate on land leasing in Africa. In relation to both campaigns, the analysis accounts for the arguments of a major financial institution and industry representatives who stress the safe and value-adding dimensions of these practices, as well as the views of opponents who refute the validity of industry's position and point to the unacceptable risks posed to the community, health and the environment. In spite of a number of obvious differences between these two case studies, not least differences arising from contrasting socio-economic and geo-political settings, there were also some notable similarities. First, was a tendency amongst protesters in both cases to formulate their role as contemporaries in a historically extended struggle for democratic justice. All perceived of themselves as guardians of their community's right to resist a corporate 'invasion' of their territories, like their forefathers and mothers before them. A theme of colonialism was explored in both settings through various identity and thematic anchoring devices that deliberately evoked shared understandings and historical memories of exploitation and human suffering. The evocation of powerful symbols of identity through visual narratives of protest further reinforced the cultural comprehensibility of opponents' message of protest in both contexts.

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This cumulative dissertation investigates the formation and success of new political parties in developed democracies from the perspective of the programmatic competition between parties (see. introduction in chapter 1). It starts by arguing that the current state of the programmatic supply by existing parties is a central determinant for the likelihood of new party formation (chapter 2). A low programmatic diversity of existing parties creates scope for programmatic innovations by new parties. The dissertation establishes a connection between the literature on new parties and niche parties by analyzing the latter as typical cases of innovating new parties (chapter 3). For this purpose, the author combines two concepts with corresponding measures in order to capture the programmatic profiles of parties. Nicheness refers to differences in the emphasis of topics between a given party and its counterparts while programmatic concentration shows the narrowness of a given policy profile. Chapter 4 investigates how the variation in the programmatic profiles of niche parties affect their long-term electoral performance. Previous studies on niche parties have not fully taken into account the evolutionary aspect of the programmatic profiles of these parties. Acknowledging the variation in programmatic profiles between niche parties and over time, the article argues that the electoral effects of nicheness and programmatic concentration as programmatic features of niche parties vary over their lifecycle. The literature on new parties assumes that they can benefit from the poor representation of parts of the electorate by existing parties. This strand of research provides plausible results, but it operates on the macro level, which is problematic for theoretical and methodological reasons. The study in chapter 5 overcomes these problems through a multilevel analysis of the vote choice between new parties, existing parties and abstention.

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El propósito central de este trabajo consiste en hacer un análisis crítico de la idea de educación democrática. Como hilo conductor se discute la tesis desarrollada por Amy Gutmann, según la cual, la educación democrática tiene como fin garantizar la reproducción consciente de la sociedad. En este contexto, la tesis que se defiende afirma que la educación democrática exige, además de los principios de no represión y la no discriminación desarrollados por Gutmann, un principio de reconocimiento, que articule la orientación de las acciones educativas a fuentes de normatividad asociadas con una interpretación intersubjetivista de la autonomía, de manera que se puedan generar más elementos de juicio, sobre todo, aquellos incorporados en las dimensiones moral, ética, política, legal y social de la persona, al momento de proponer prácticas educativas encaminadas a la formación de una ciudadanía participativa y crítica. Para esto se propone una interpretación que integra las perspectivas deliberativa y agonal de la democracia, se defiende que la expresión clave del ejercicio de la ciudadanía democrática es la participación, que el ejercicio de la participación tiene por condición la realización de la autonomía personal, por lo cual, en la parte final se elabora una lectura intersubjetivista de la autonomía, a partir de los trabajos de Axel Honneth y Rainer Forst.

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El presente estudio de caso tiene como objetivo analizar la influencia de la gobernación de Tokio en la formulación de la política exterior de Japón durante la disputa territorial por las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu. Para ello, se identifican los puntos más relevantes de la política exterior de seguridad de Japón después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Se hace un énfasis en la política bilateral de seguridad sino-japonesa, con el fin de ubicar el conflicto territorial por las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu como un punto importante en la agenda internacional de seguridad de ambos países. Se estudia y analiza el concepto de paradiplomacia; articulado, a su vez, por los conceptos de identidad y rol en política exterior de la perspectiva teórica del Constructivismo de las Relaciones Internacionales, para así analizar la influencia de Tokio en el manejo de la política exterior de Japón en el marco del conflicto territorial por las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu.

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ResumenTradicionalmente, los estudios realizados desde la ciencia política y la sociología sobre la participación de los pueblos indígenas se han enfocado en el ámbito electoral y las movilizaciones sociales. No obstante, la observación empírica ha demostrado la necesidad de ampliar el campo de visión al análisis de la participación indígena en la adopción de decisiones factibles de afectarles enmarcando el análisis en el cumplimiento de sus derechos colectivos. De esta forma, el artículo tiene el objetivo de asentar los fundamentos analítico-conceptuales mínimos para investigar la participación de los pueblos indígenas latinoamericanos con ese enfoque. El texto se divide en tres partes. Primero, se analizan  los conceptos esenciales del tema: “pueblos  indígenas” y “participación”, reconociendo us complejidades y proponiendo elementos mínimos para su defnición. Segundo, se exploran las justifcaciones y contenidos del marco jurídico-normativo internacional de los derechos de los pueblos indígenas haciendo énfasis en la participación como derecho colectivo y revisando su situación en América Latina. Finalmente, se presenta una propuesta metodológica para la investigación sobre la participación de los pueblos indígenas que operacionaliza los derechos de consulta, consentimiento libre, previo e informado y participación en el ciclo completo de las políticas públicas.Palabras  clave:  pueblos  indígenas,  derechos  de  los  pueblos  indígenas,  participación, América Latina, políticas públicas.AbstractFrequently the felds of political science and sociological research dealing with the participation of indigenous peoples  have  focused  on  the  electoral  context  and  social mobilization. However,  empirical  observation seems to demand further analysis on the indigenous participation in decision-making on the full spectrum of matters that affect them, framing the observance in their collective rights. The present article aims to establish a minimum analytical and conceptual basis for such research on participation of Latin American indigenous peoples. The article is divided into three parts. First, it analyzes the essential concepts of the topic: “indigenous peoples” and “participation”, recognizing their complexities and proposing minimum elements for their defnition. Secondly, it explores the justifcations and contents of International Law and normative system of the rights of indigenous peoples by putting emphasis on participation as an indigenous right and by reviewing the situation of indigenous peoples in Latin America. Finally, it presents a methodological proposal to research the participation of indigenous peoples, which operationalizes the rights of consultation; the free, prior, and informed consent, and participation in the process of making of public policies.Keywords: Indigenous peoples, rights of indigenous peoples, participation, Latin America, public policies.

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Among the various ways of adopting the biographical approach, we used the curriculum vitaes (CVs) of Brazilian researchers who work as social scientists in health as our research material. These CVs are part of the Lattes Platform of CNPq - the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development, which includes Research and Institutional Directories. We analyzed 238 CVs for this study. The CVs contain, among other things, the following information: professional qualifications, activities and projects, academic production, participation in panels for the evaluation of theses and dissertations, research centers and laboratories and a summarized autobiography. In this work there is a brief review of the importance of autobiography for the social sciences, emphasizing the CV as a form of autobiographical practice. We highlight some results, such as it being a group consisting predominantly of women, graduates in social sciences, anthropology, sociology or political science, with postgraduate degrees. The highest concentration of social scientists is located in Brazil's southern and southeastern regions. In some institutions the main activities of social scientists are as teachers and researchers with great thematic diversity in research.

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O artigo discute a avaliação acadêmica no contexto caracterizado pelo produtivismo. Como introdução, analisa o episódio da lista dos improdutivos, ocorrido em 1988 na USP, procurando apontar algumas tendências do debate sobre avaliação à época. Em seguida, apresenta, em linhas gerais, ideias que constituem a ideologia produtivista e examina seus desdobramentos na construção de um sistema nacional de avaliação no Brasil. Por último, considera os efeitos desse sistema no trabalho acadêmico, tomando como referência o lugar das exigências de publicação no processo de avaliação.

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This paper emphasizes the important changes in Brazilian foreign policy after Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva took tip the power in 2002. The paper defends the idea that it is not possible to argue that there were deep changes in comparison to Cardoso's administration. However, evidence shows that new things are happening as regards the design of a more active and clear foreign action line which led to institutional changes and to more incisive multilateral paths. This results both from the political profile of the direct operators of foreign policy and the aims of lite presidential diplomacy, The hypothesis dealt with on this paper consists on the fact that Lula's administration has not fully broken with the old administration practices, however the aims of global and regional integration are being plotted more clearly and with a higher degree of activism. This becomes clear in three aspects of the Brazilian foreign policy: the institutional framework, the practice of multilateralism and the foreign policy towards the South, the three topics analyzed in this paper.

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The influence of political parties on decisions made by members of Congress is a hotly debated issue in political science. In foreign policy, which is usually considered nonpartisan, the matter is even more inconclusive. The current study analyzes all the roll-call votes taken on foreign policy issues in the 2002-2006 legislature of the Chilean Chamber of Deputies. After tracing a spatial map of foreign policy preferences among Chilean Deputies using the Nominate statistical package, we concluded that the ideology of the legislator's political party is a predictive factor for his or her foreign policy behavior. Our findings indicate that the way Chilean legislators structure their preferences on foreign policy issues does not differ significantly from the way they shape their domestic policy preferences.

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Brazil has led development of collective rights in Ibero-American states and has developed from consumer origins a general procedure on ""public civil actions"" largely brought by the attorney general. These have a two-stage process, involving a declaration on general liability followed by individuals bringing personal compensation claims.

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Brazilian social thought draws on the inspiration of past masters the common denominator of whose work is probably a deep humanism. Confronting the challenges of a fluid, ever-changing reality is now a matter of survival. The idea of climate change has made the environment, long relegated to second place, a matter of much wider interest and concern. The other great problem is poverty, and here, while there have been undeniable advances, much remains to be done. The main challenge is producing forms of social organization that will allow ordinary citizens to have an impact on what really matters. Developing policy in these areas has engaged the efforts of a wide range of experts from a variety of fields. Whereas university-educated intellectuals once formed an intelligentsia, today they are engaged in practical politics and much more often function as agents who link social actors together than as mere elaborators of theories.

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This is a draft for a chapter of the book version of my Ph.D thesis. The chapter addresses the following question: Are the creative processes of musical composers and academic economists essentially the same, or are there significant differences? The paper finds that there are deep similarities between the creative processes of theoretical economists and the creative processes of artists. The chapter builds a process oriented lifecycle account of creative activity, drawing on testimonial material from the arts and the sciences, and relates the model to the creative work of economists developing economic theory.

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This paper introduces the concept of religious information poverty in Australian state schools from an information science perspective. Information scientists have been theorising about the global information society for some time, along with its increased provision of vital information for the good of the world. Australian state schools see themselves as preparing children for effective participation in the information society, yet Australian children are currently suffering a religious illiteracy that undermines this goal. Some reasons and theories are offered to explain the existence of religious information poverty in state schools, and suggestions for professional stakeholders are offered for its alleviation.