993 resultados para Publicidad electoral
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The chapter introduces a new database on political-institutional patterns of democracy used in the contributions to the book. It provides an update and extension of Lijphart’s (1999, 2012) measurement of consensus and majoritarian democracy for the countries of the second wave of the CSES during the period 1997–2006, using 11 partly improved indicators. The chapter explores patterns of democracy by the means of factor analysis, construct additive indices, and present the resulting country scores of consensus and majoritarian democracy graphically. Two variants are presented, one featuring Lijphart’s (1999) classic ‘executives–parties’ and ‘federal–unitary’ dimensions, and another incorporating direct democracy into the framework, yielding an additional ‘cabinets–direct democracy’ dimension
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La práctica publicitaria se caracteriza por cultivar un discurso apelativo con fines persuasivos dirigido a un amplio público, hecho por el cual se difunde por medios de comunicación masivos. Por otro lado, la publicidad, sea cual fuere el género que utiliza para la transmisión del mensaje, cuenta solo con segundos para llamar la atención de su público destinatario y con escasos minutos para hacer llegar su mensaje. Debido a estos rasgos comunicactivos, el estereotipo se presenta como un mecanismo discursivo perfecto para que su público recepcione el mensaje suasivo, como ejemplificaré la publicidad de cerveza, objetivo de esta contribución. Desde luego, el tema de los estereotipos en publicidad no resulta nada novedoso; todo lo contrario: existen muchos trabajos que se han ocupado de ello . Pero el problema reside en el hecho de que por lo general se presenta la noción de estereotipo a priori como un fenómeno familiar y de conocimiento general, pero que en realidad se maneja con una borrosidad conceptual enorme, sin que se deslinden teóricamente los diferentes niveles en los que puede moverse ni sus diversas clases (Dufays 2010: 59-60). Por eso Amossy (1989: 29) dice sobre el concepto de estereotipo con razón: «fréquemment mentionné, utilisé comme critère de valeur et comme instrument d'analyse, le stéreéotype reste [...] une notion vague dont on connaît mal les contours, et dont les fonctions demeurent controversées». En efecto, el terreno de los trabajos teóricos sobre el estereotipo sigue siendo terra relativamente incognita. Por tal motivo, para exponer y explicar de qué manera se manejan los estereotipos en publicidad de cerveza, propondré un modelo de clasificación. Esta propuesta descansa en la combinación de alcances teóricos de la psicología social del lenguaje (Moscovici 1984), incluidos los de la teoría de la relevancia de Sperber y Wilson (1986) con aquellos provenientes de la lingüística del discurso con fuerte influjo estilístico y retórico, como los que proponen Amossy ( 1991), Amossy / Herrschberger (1997) y Dufays (2010) . He considerado en el análisis dos géneros: la cuña audiovisual y el reclamo, porque partía de la idea de que las características mediales influyen en las técnicas de tratamiento del estereotipo. Dado que entiendo el discurso y su producto –los textos– como una actividad comunicactiva semiótica, tomo en cuenta para el análisis del estereotipo tanto la manifestación lingüística como la icónica.
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Mechanisms behind partner effects are contingent on women's individual resource endowment. While low and medium educated women most strongly profit from higher educational partner resources, i.e. from a compensatory mechanism, the resource “time” seems to particularly confine political involvement of women with both high professional status or no employment.
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In Germany's compensatory mixed electoral system, alternative electoral routes lead into parliament. We study the relationship between candidates' electoral situations across both tiers and policy representation, fully accounting for candidate, party and district preferences in a multi-actor constellation and the exact electoral incentives for candidates to represent either the party or the district. The results (2009 Bundestag election data) yield evidence of an interactive effect of closeness of the district race and list safety on candidates' positioning between their party and constituency.
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The study of strategic behaviour and the impact of institutions on elections has mainly focused on simple and conventional electoral systems: list-proportional electoral systems (PR) and the plurality vote. Less conventional systems are not on the agenda of comparative studies, even though no less than 30% of countries use unconventional electoral systems for their national parliamentary elections, such as the Single Transferable Vote, PR with majority bonuses, or mixed electoral systems. Often, they provide for unusual combinations of different institutional incentives, and hence to particular actor strategies.
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In the wake of the financial crisis, budgetary discipline has taken centre stage in politics. More than ever a country's budget mirrors the true policy preferences of the legislative majority beyond all political discourse and cheap talk. The paper sheds light on mandate fulfilment in the field of public spending and fiscal policy in general. Based on previous work on pledge fulfilment in Switzerland the paper compares publicised pre-electoral statements of MPs on public spending and the development of the public finances with their post-electoral legislative behaviour during budget debates and votes. The findings of the paper confirm the results of the aforementioned earlier studies and point to the potential of budgetary statements for future mandate fulfilment research.
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More than 20 years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the electoral volatility in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) is still remarkably high. A considerable part of the volatility derives from the votes for new political parties, since they are very often on the winning side of elections. This paper examines corruption as potential determinant of their electoral success. It argues that the effect of corruption is twofold: On the onehand, the historically-grown corruption level reduces the electoral success of new political parties due to strong clientelist structures that bind the electorate to the established parties. On the other hand, an increase of the perceived corruption above the traditional corruption level leads to a loss of trust in the political elite and therefore boosts the electoral success of new competitors. A statistical analysis of all democratic elections in CEE between 1996 and 2011 confirms these two counteracting effects.
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More than 20 years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the electoral volatility in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) is still remarkably high. A considerable part of the volatility derives from the votes for new political parties, since they are very often on the winning side of elections. This article examines corruption as a potential determinant of their electoral support. It argues that the effect of corruption is twofold: on the one hand, the historically derived corruption level reduces the electoral support for new political parties due to strong clientelist structures that bind the electorate to the established parties. On the other hand, an increase in perceived corruption above the traditional corruption level leads to a loss of trust in the political elite and therefore boosts the electoral support for new competitors. A statistical analysis of all democratic elections in CEE between 1996 and 2013 confirms these two counteracting effects.
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Reelection and self-interest are recurring themes in the study of our congressional leaders. To date, many studies have already been done on the trends between elections, party affiliation, and voting behavior in Congress. However, because a plethora of data has been collected on both elections and congressional voting, the ability to draw a connection between the two provides a very reasonable prospect. This project analyzes whether voting shifts in congressional elections have an effect on congressional voting. Will a congressman become ideologically more polarized when his electoral margins increase? Essentially, this paper assumes that all congressmen are ideologically polarized, and it is elections which serve to reel congressmen back toward the ideological middle. The election and ideological data for this study, which spans from the 56th to the 107th Congress, finds statistically significant relationships between these two variables. In fact, congressman pay attention to election returns when voting in Congress. When broken down by party, Democrats are more exhibitive of this phenomenon, which suggest that Democrats may be more likely to intrinsically follow the popular model of representation. Meanwhile, it can be hypothesized that insignificant results for Republicans indicate that Republicans may follow a trustee model of representation.
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Fil: Bistué de García, Susana . Universidad Nacional de Cuyo. Facultad de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales
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Fil: Repetto, Julio C..
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El último libro de Javier Cercas, Anatomía de un instante (2009) se presenta como un particular caso de intervención en los debates por el sentido del pasado reciente en España,cuyo análisis se verá necesariamente atravesado por una perspectiva intermedial. La portadadel libro invita al lector a detenerse sobre la imagen borrosa de un fotograma, un cuadro extraído la grabación televisiva de la toma del Congreso por parte del teniente coronel Tejeroy sus hombres el 23 de febrero de 1981. El libro, a partir de esa imagen congelada, intenta releer la transición y su significación en la escena del presente, deteniéndose en los gestos, implicancias y suposiciones, a partir de una serie de operaciones sobre el propio estatuto de su escritura y su imagen de escritor, superponiendo en su cierre los espectros de la memoriapública a aquellos de la memoria individual. El presente trabajo ensaya un primer acercamiento al texto, pensando su lugar en la encrucijada de la literatura, el mercado y los debates públicos y en torno a la cuestión de la memoria (y la posmemoria).
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El presente trabajo se propone indagar en las condiciones de producción, recepción y edición (tanto en vida como póstuma) de un tipo o subtipo de géneros asociados usualmente a la introspección y la esfera de la intimidad: diarios íntimos, cartas y epistolarios y carnets o bocetos de obras, su germen seminal. Desde una perspectiva que procura interrogar la enunciación privada dirigida a dilucidar por qué, para qué y para quiénes se escriben estos géneros, verificamos algunas contradicciones. Si bien se presentan y se escriben desde la esfera más irreductible y privada, terminan viendo la luz organizadamente, editándose por los propios autores o sus deudos o albaceas. Ello nos hace retornar, una vez más, al valor de verdad de dicha supuesta intimidad proclamada o si, por el contrario, resulta mero simulacro y deviene máscara cuya intencionalidad última es la legibilidad de un lectora