The prose works of Jonathan Swift /

First published in 1897.

Politics and protestant Lordship in North East Scotland during the reign of James VI: The life of George Keith, fourth Earl Marischal, 1554-1623

George Keith, fourth Earl Marischal is a case study of long-term, quietly successful and stable lordship through the reign of James VI. Marischal’s life provides a wholly underrepresented perspective on this era, where the study of rebellious and notorious characters has dominated. He is also a counter-example to the notion of a general crisis among the European nobility, at least in the Scottish context, as well as to the notion of a ‘conservative’ or ‘Catholic’ north east. In 1580 George inherited the richest earldom in Scotland, with a geographical extent stretching along the east coast from Caithness to East Lothian. His family came to be this wealthy as a long term consequence of the Battle of Flodden (1513) where a branch of the family, the Inverugie Keiths had been killed. The heiress of this branch was married to the third earl and this had concentrated a large number of lands, and consequently wealth, in the hands of the earls. This had, however, also significantly decreased the number of members and hence power of the Keith kindred. The third earl’s conversion to Protestantism in 1544 and later his adherence to the King’s Party during the Marian Civil War forced the Keiths into direct confrontation with their neighbours in the north east, the Gordons (led by the Earls of Huntly), a Catholic family and supporters of the Queen’s Party. Although this feud was settled for a time at the end of the war, the political turmoil caused by a succession of short-lived factional regimes in the early part of the personal reign of James VI (c.1578-1585) led the new (fourth) Earl Marischal into direct confrontation with the new (sixth) Earl of Huntly. Marischal was outclassed, outmanoeuvred and outgunned at both court and in the locality in this feud, suffering considerably. However, Huntly’s over-ambition in wider court politics meant that Marischal was able to join various coalitions against his rival, until Huntly was exiled in 1595. Marischal also came into conflict briefly with Chancellor John Maitland of Thirlestane as a consequence of Marischal’s diplomatic mission to Denmark in 1589-1590, but was again outmatched politically and briefly imprisoned. Both of these feuds reveal Marischal to be relatively cautious and reactionary, and both reveal the limitations of his power. Elsewhere, the study of Marischal’s activities in the centre of Scottish politics reveal him to be unambitious. He was ready to serve King James, the two men having a healthy working relationship, but Marischal showed no ambition as a courtier, to woo the king’s favour or patronage, instead delegating interaction with the monarch to his kinsmen. Likewise, in government, Marischal rarely attended any of the committees he was entitled to attend, such as the Privy Council, although he did keep a keen eye on the land market and the business conducted under the Great Seal. Although personally devout and a committed Protestant, the study of Marischal’s interaction with the national Kirk and the parishes of which he was patron reveal that he was at times a negligent patron and exercised his right of ministerial presentation as lordly, not godly patronage. The notion of a ‘conservative North East’ is, however, rejected. Where Marischal was politically weak at court and weak in terms of force in the locality, we see him pursuing sideways approaches to dealing with this. Thus he was keen to build up his general influence in the north and in particular with the burgh of Aberdeen (one result of this being the creation of Marischal College in 1593), pursued disputes through increasing use of legal methods rather than bloodfeud (thus exploiting his wealth and compensating for his relative lack of force) and developed a sophisticated system of maritime infrastructure, ultimately expressed through the creating of the burghs of Peterhead and Stonehaven. Although his close family caused him a number of problems over his lifetime, he was able to pass on a stable and enlarged lordship to his son in 1623.

Plan of the siege of Plattsburg and capture of the British fleet on Lake Champlain the 11th Sptr. 1814 : to accompany B. Tanner's print of Macdonough's victory.

Relief shown by hachures.

Map of Elizabeth Town, N.J. at the time of the Revolutionary War, 1775-1783. Showing that part of the free borough and town of Elizabeth, which is now the site of the city of Elizabeth.

Scale ca. 1:7,300.

The Proceedings of the South Carolina Historical Association

Annually, the association publishes a journal, The Proceedings, which consists of papers presented at the annual meeting. Francis Lieber at the South Carolina College by William M. Geer – United States Military Academy The Republican Society of Charleston by Eugene P. Link – Winthrop College Planters from the Low-Country and their Summer Travels by Lawrence F. Brewster – Duke University Bentonville—the Last Battle of Johnston and Sherman by Robert W. Barnwell

Francisco Pizarro' s banner of arms: an analytical work contributing to latin America's history

The study of textiles is an open area of scientific research, which for its variety of material components and physical chemical diversity of conditions, makes a field of interest for scientific studies in the cultural heritage field. Archaeological/historical textiles offer the possibility to carry out studies on organic materials such as fibers, adhesion elements, dyes, paper, etc., as well as on inorganic compounds for instance metals, alloys, precious stones and other added ornamentation. That variety of composition, allow to use a combination of analytical techniques to solve the questions coming from the object in an archaeometric research. One kind of textile object that provides a valuable cultural information because of its linguistic representation employed by its carrier societies, are the flags/banners/emblems, objects made with a nonverbal communication purpose. As long as depending on the use and/or purpose of each object, varies both the materials/techniques used in its production and its iconography (style, color, emblem, shape), its study gives the possibility to extract information through their materials and manufacturing techniques about a temporal-spatial frame, a particular event or a specific character. The flags/banners have been used since the eleventh century as representative objects of power, hierarchy, social or military organization, or as communicative media. The use of these objects has been spread throughout the world, possibly due to its easy interpretation and/or appropriation by different societies, making it part of their own culture. The flags as symbols of territorial control, using emblems that represent a family, order or army, were introduced to the New World (America) with the arrival of the European conquerors at the end of the fifteenth century. Flags/banners representing the Royal dominion over conquered territories, the Catholic Church and conquistadors’ armies were the first to arrive. One of those flags that have endured over time, that have an invaluable cultural meaning for both American and Iberian societies, is the so-called Francisco Pizarro’s Banner of Arms. It is a textile object with metal threads decoration over a Royal emblem. According to historical sources, this object was used by Francisco Pizarro in 1532 on the conquest process of Peru, after received the permission by King Charles V to on behalf of him, to conquer the lands of the New World today known as Peru. After Pizarro’s control of the Inca territory, it is believed that Pizarro left his banner on top of the Inca’s Sun’s Temple as symbol of his rule. Centuries later, in the America libertarian campaigns, General Sucre, military at charge of the independence army in Peru, reports have found what he considered the Pizarro’s Banner, sending it to Bogotá as a symbol of victory, being kept since that time until today by the National Museum of Colombia. Due to historical discrepancies in the different movements of the so-called Pizarro’s Banner of Arms, its real meaning has been under discussion and because of the passage of time its physical condition has suffer deterioration. That is because its scientific study is now an interesting case study to respond to both historical and conservation questions of it. Through a collaboration with the National Museum of Colombia, a set of 25 samples of so-called Pizarro’s Banner of Arms were collected, covering the various components and areas from the object of study. These samples were subjected to analytical studies for physical and chemical characterization. Microscopic observation, VSEM-EDS analysis, Raman spectroscopy, chromatographic analysis (HPLC-MS, GCMS) and radiocarbon dating were done. Similarly, was sought through a direct in situ physical inspection to the object and through a research into historical sources, adequate information to solve the object’s problems. Results obtained allowed to identify as silk the textile used in the elaboration of the Banner’s fabric, as well as the use of natural dyes for dyeing the fibers used on the emblem: use of cochineal and brazil wood as a source of red, luteolin plant-based for yellow color, indigotine plant-based for blue, and a mixture of yellow and blue dyes for green were identified. Similarly, the use of animal glue in the manufacturing process and the use of rag paper was evident. The metal threads study from the Banner give a confirmation to a silver core wire gilded with a thin gold sheet, being flattened and entwined with silk threads for their use. Finally, using the radiocarbon results, it was possible to postulate with huge accuracy that the Banner date manufacture was between the XV-XVI century and subject to restoration processes with addition of textiles in modern times. Together with, was evident that the state of degradation of the fabric is due to natural degradation in the silk fibers, having that its color has faded and its mechanical properties decreased, leading to loss of rigidity and disappearance of the physical structure. Similarly, it was clear the original colors of the emblem and highlight problems of detachment of paper due to crystallization of the adhesive. In the same way, was found that the metal threads suffer corrosion by sulfur and detachment of its crystals. Finally, combining the analytical results and the historical sources data found from the so-called Francisco Pizarro’s Banner of Arms, allows to postulate that its manufacture process was done in Europe employing precious materials to obtain a long-life object with a deep message for its viewers. Also, the data obtained helps to support the possible idea that the object was employed by Francisco Pizarro in the Peru conquest process. However, by the symbols present in the object, its elaboration date and materials, this object its clearly unique in its kind, and the most important, by its linguistic message, does not represent to Francisco Pizarro or his army, meanwhile, represents the Spanish crown. Therefore, instead to be labeled as Francisco Pizarro’s Banner of Arms, it should be called the Colonial Royal Banner of Charles V in the New World; RESUMEN: El estudio de textiles es un área abierta de investigación científica, la cual por su variedad de componentes materiales y la diversidad de condiciones físico-químicas presentes en estos objetos, lo hace un campo de interés para estudios científicos en el patrimonio cultural. Los textiles arqueológicos/históricos brindan la posibilidad de realizar estudios en materiales orgánicos como fibras, elementos de adhesión, tinturas, papel, etc., e inorgánicos como metales, aleaciones, piedras preciosas y demás materiales decorativos añadidos. Por su variedad de composición, es posible emplear diversas técnicas analíticas para resolver aquellas preguntas propias del objeto en una investigación arqueométrica. Uno de los objetos textiles que brinda gran información cultural debido a su representación lingüística empleada por las sociedades portadoras, son las banderas/estandartes/emblemas. Donde varía dependiendo de su uso y/o propósito, los materiales empleados en su elaboración, al igual que su iconografía (estilo, color, emblema, forma). El estudio de estos objetos construidos con un propósito de comunicación no verbal, da la posibilidad de extraer información a través de sus materiales y técnicas de elaboración sobre un rango temporal-espacial, un evento determinado en la historia o incluso a un personaje en específico. Las banderas han sido empleadas desde el siglo XI como objetos representativos de poder, jerarquía, organización social o militar, o como medio de comunicación. El uso de estos objetos se ha extendido a lo largo del mundo posiblemente debido a su fácil interpretación y/o apropiación por distintas sociedades, haciéndolo parte de su cultura. Las banderas como símbolos de control territorial, empleando símbolos que representan a una familia, orden o armada fueron introducidas a el Nuevo Mundo (América) con la llegada de los conquistadores europeos al final del siglo XV. Las banderas/estandartes que representaban el dominio Real sobre territorios dominados, la iglesia católica y las banderas de ejércitos y/o conquistadores fueron las primeras en llegar al nuevo mundo. Una de aquellas banderas que ha soportado el paso del tiempo, teniendo un gran valor cultural tanto para las sociedades americanas como para las ibéricas, es el denominado Estandarte de armas de Francisco Pizarro. Siendo un objeto textil con decoración en hilos metálicos sobre un emblema Real. De acuerdo a fuentes históricas, este objeto fue usado por Francisco Pizarro en 1532 en el proceso de conquista del Perú, quien recibe por parte del Rey Carlos V el poder para que, en su nombre, Pizarro pueda conquistar las tierras del nuevo mundo hoy conocidas como Perú. Luego del dominio de Pizarro sobre el territorio Inca, se cree que Pizarro dejó su estandarte en la cima del templo Inca del sol como símbolo de su control. Siglos más tarde, en las campañas libertarias de América, el General Sucre, militar encargado de la armada independentista en Perú, reporta haber encontrado lo que él considera como el estandarte de Pizarro, enviándolo a Bogotá como muestra de victoria, siendo custodiada desde ese momento por el Museo Nacional de Colombia hasta la actualidad. Debido a discrepancias históricas, el verdadero significado del llamado estandarte de Pizarro ha sido objeto de discusión y debido del pasar del tiempo su estado de conservación se ha deteriorado. Dejando de este modo, un caso de estudio interesante para que por medio de estudios científicos al objeto se pueda dar respuesta a preguntas tanto históricas como de conservación del mismo. De este modo, por medio de una colaboración con el Museo Nacional de Colombia, se obtuvo un juego de 25 muestras del llamado Estandarte de armas de Francisco Pizarro, abarcando los diferentes componentes y áreas del objeto de estudio. Dichas muestras fueron sometidas a estudios analíticos para su caracterización físico-química. Análisis de observación al microscopio, análisis VSEM-EDS, espectroscopia Raman, análisis cromatográficos (HPLC-MS, GC-MS) y datación por radiocarbono catorce fueron realizados. Del mismo modo, por medio de una inspección física al objeto in situ y una profunda investigación en fuentes históricas del mismo, se buscó la información adecuada para resolver sus problemáticas. Los resultados obtenidos permitieron identificar como seda el textil empleado en la elaboración del estandarte, así como el uso de colorantes naturales para teñir las fibras en el emblema: uso de cochinilla y palo de Brasil como fuente del color rojo, plantas a base de luteolin para el color amarillo, plantas a base de indigotina para el color azul y mezcla de colorantes amarillos y azules para el color verde fueron identificadas. Del mismo modo se evidencio el uso de adhesivos animales y el uso de papel de trapos en el proceso de manufactura. El estudio de los hilos metálicos, permitió evidenciar el uso de alambres con núcleos de plata con un fino recubrimiento de oro en su exterior, siendo aplanados y entrelazados con hilos de seda para su uso. Finalmente usando la datación por radiocarbono, fue posible conocer con alta precisión que el estandarte fue elaborado entre los siglos XV-XVI y sufrió procesos de restauración con añadidura de textiles en tiempos modernos. Junto a lo anterior, es posible postular que el estado de degradación de la tela es debido a degradación natural en las fibras de seda, teniendo así que su color se ha desvanecido y sus propiedades mecánicas disminuidas, conllevando a perdida de rigidez y desaparición de la estructura. Del mismo modo se pudo conocer los colores originales del emblema y evidenciar problemas de desprendimiento del papel debido a cristalización del adhesivo. Asimismo, se comprobó que los hilos metálicos presentan corrosión por azufre y desprendimiento de sus cristales. Finalmente, combinando los resultados analíticos y la información de fuentes históricas encontradas del llamado Estandarte de armas de Francisco Pizarro, se puede postular que su elaboración fue realizada en Europa, usando materiales preciosos para obtener un objeto de larga vida con un profundo mensaje para sus observadores. También, los datos obtenidos ayudan a dar soporte la posible idea de que este objeto fue usado por Francisco Pizarro en el proceso de conquista del Perú. Sin embargo, debido a los símbolos presentes en el objeto, fecha y materiales de elaboración, este objeto es claramente único en su tipo, y lo más importante, por su mensaje lingüístico, este no representa a Francisco Pizarro o su armada, al contrario, representa a la Corona de España. Por ende, en vez de denominarse como Estandarte de armas de Francisco Pizarro, este objeto debería nombrarse como el Estandarte Real de la Colonia de Carlos V en el Nuevo Mundo.

Aurora : an illustrated novella

Aurora, an illustrated novella, is a retelling of the classic fairytale Sleeping Beauty, set on the Australian coast around the grounds of the family lighthouse. Instead of following in the footsteps of tradition, this tale focuses on the long time Aurora is cursed to sleep by the malevolent Minerva; we follow Aurora as she voyages into the unconscious. Hunted by Minerva through the shifting landscape of her dreams, Aurora is dogged by a nagging pull towards the light—there is something she has left behind. Eventually, realising she must face Minerva to break the curse, they stage a battle of the minds in which Aurora triumphs, having grasped the power of her thoughts, her words. Aurora, an Australian fairytale, is a story of self-empowerment, the ability to shape destiny and the power of the mind. The exegesis examines a two-pronged question: is the illustrated book for young adults—graphic novel—relevant to a contemporary readership, and, is the graphic novel, where text and image intersect, a suitably specular genre in which to explore the unconscious? It establishes the language of the unconscious and the meaning of the term ‘graphic novel’, before investigating the place of the illustrated book for an older readership in a contemporary market, particularly exploring visual literacy and the way text and image—a hybrid narrative—work together. It then studies the aptitude of graphic literature to representing the unconscious and looks at two pioneers of the form: Audrey Niffenegger, specifically her visual novel The Three Incestuous Sisters, and Shaun Tan, and his graphic novel The Arrival. Finally, it reflects upon the creative work, Aurora, in light of three concerns: how best to develop a narrative able to relay the dreaming story; how to bestow a certain ‘Australianess’ upon the text and images; and the dilemma of designing an illustrated book for an older readership.

The Trans-Pacific Partnership, the environment, and climate change

The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) is a sweeping, plurilateral free-trade agreement spanning the Pacific Rim.The ongoing, secretive treaty negotiations involve Australia and New Zealand; countries from South East Asia such as Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Singapore and Vietnam; the South American nations of Peru and Chile; and the members of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement, Canada, Mexico and the United States. There has also been some discussion as to whether Japan should be included in the negotiations.

Matti Laurila : Jääkäriupseeri, suojeluskuntapäällikkö, rintamakomentaja

Matti Laurila (1895 1983) This is a biographical research of a Jaeger officer, a Civil Guard Chief, a Field Commander Matti Laurila. A broader practice of qualitative methods was utilized in the research. The main aim is a permanent reconstruction and reinterpretation of past events through the experiences of the study object. The life and times of Laurila are intertwined with the crucial events that led to the Finnish Declaration of Independence. Afterwards he helped to ensure that the young republic also stayed independent. As a Jaeger in the winter of 1917 Laurila witnessed an incident he would never forget. After disobeying a direct order, Sven Saarikoski from Lapua was shot dead by his commanding officer, K. A. Ståhlberg, on the ice of the river Aa. Laurila faced the horrors of war at closer quarters, for he lost his father and his brother in the battle of Länkipohja on 16th March 1918. This battle was a major turning point for Laurila and profoundly influenced the rest of his life. The relationship between Laurila and his superiors was problematic almost throughout his military career, haunted as he was by the memory of Sven Saarikoski's execution and the losses in Länkipohja The position of Laurila as an authority in South Ostrobothnia was a key factor in preventing the extreme right from rallying enough Civil Guard troops to escalate the embryonic Mäntsälä rebellion of 1932. After the rebellion Laurila routinely opposed anything he saw as a threat to the independence of the Civil Guard. He would flatly refuse to even consider the integration of the Civil Guard into the national defence force. His uncompromising stand in this matter annoyed some among the higher ranking officers. After the Winter War Laurila got himself into a dispute with Jaeger Colonel H. E. Hannuksela that would have long-lasting consequences. The conflicts between them became widely known in the attack phase of the Continuation War in 1941 at the latest. Laurila had to give up his military career at the end of 1944. In the years that followed he did what he could to ensure that the South Ostrobothnia Civil Guard patrimony remained in the province. Laurila's position as a respected authority in South Ostrobothnia remained unchanged until his death.

Greenwashing the Trans-Pacific Partnership: Fossil fuels, the environment, and climate change

There has been much controversy over the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) – a plurilateral trade agreement involving a dozen nations from throughout the Pacific Rim – and its impact upon the environment, biodiversity, and climate change. The secretive treaty negotiations involve Australia and New Zealand; countries from South East Asia such as Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, and Japan; the South American nations of Peru and Chile; and the members of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Canada, Mexico and the United States. There was an agreement reached between the parties in October 2015. The participants asserted: ‘We expect this historic agreement to promote economic growth, support higher-paying jobs; enhance innovation, productivity and competitiveness; raise living standards; reduce poverty in our countries; and to promote transparency, good governance, and strong labor and environmental protections.’ The final texts of the agreement were published in November 2015. There has been discussion as to whether other countries – such as Indonesia, the Philippines, and South Korea – will join the deal. There has been much debate about the impact of this proposed treaty upon intellectual property, the environment, biodiversity and climate change. There have been similar concerns about the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) – a proposed trade agreement between the United States and the European Union. In 2011, the United States Trade Representative developed a Green Paper on trade, conservation, and the environment in the context of the TPP. In its rhetoric, the United States Trade Representative has maintained that it has been pushing for strong, enforceable environmental standards in the TPP. In a key statement in 2014, the United States Trade Representative Mike Froman insisted: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative maintained: ‘Our proposals in the TPP are centered around the enforcement of environmental laws, including those implementing multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) in TPP partner countries, and also around trailblazing, first-ever conservation proposals that will raise standards across the region’. Moreover, the United States Trade Representative asserted: ‘Furthermore, our proposals would enhance international cooperation and create new opportunities for public participation in environmental governance and enforcement.’ The United States Trade Representative has provided this public outline of the Environment Chapter of the TPP: A meaningful outcome on environment will ensure that the agreement appropriately addresses important trade and environment challenges and enhances the mutual supportiveness of trade and environment. The Trans-Pacific Partnership countries share the view that the environment text should include effective provisions on trade-related issues that would help to reinforce environmental protection and are discussing an effective institutional arrangement to oversee implementation and a specific cooperation framework for addressing capacity building needs. They also are discussing proposals on new issues, such as marine fisheries and other conservation issues, biodiversity, invasive alien species, climate change, and environmental goods and services. Mark Linscott, an assistant Trade Representative testified: ‘An environment chapter in the TPP should strengthen country commitments to enforce their environmental laws and regulations, including in areas related to ocean and fisheries governance, through the effective enforcement obligation subject to dispute settlement.’ Inside US Trade has commented: ‘While not initially expected to be among the most difficult areas, the environment chapter has emerged as a formidable challenge, partly due to disagreement over the United States proposal to make environmental obligations binding under the TPP dispute settlement mechanism’. Joshua Meltzer from the Brookings Institute contended that the trade agreement could be a boon for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim: Whether it is depleting fisheries, declining biodiversity or reduced space in the atmosphere for Greenhouse Gas emissions, the underlying issue is resource scarcity. And in a world where an additional 3 billion people are expected to enter the middle class over the next 15 years, countries need to find new and creative ways to cooperate in order to satisfy the legitimate needs of their population for growth and opportunity while using resources in a manner that is sustainable for current and future generations. The TPP parties already represent a diverse range of developed and developing countries. Should the TPP become a free trade agreement of the Asia-Pacific region, it will include the main developed and developing countries and will be a strong basis for building a global consensus on these trade and environmental issues. The TPP has been promoted by its proponents as a boon to the environment. The United States Trade Representative has maintained that the TPP will protect the environment: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the TPP negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative discussed ‘Trade for a Greener World’ on World Environment Day. Andrew Robb, at the time the Australian Trade and Investment Minister, vowed that the TPP will contain safeguards for the protection of the environment. In November 2015, after the release of the TPP text, Rohan Patel, the Special Assistant to the President and Deputy Director of Intergovernmental Affairs, sought to defend the environmental credentials of the TPP. He contended that the deal had been supported by the Nature Conservancy, the International Fund for Animal Welfare, the Joint Ocean Commission Initiative, the World Wildlife Fund, and World Animal Protection. The United States Congress, though, has been conflicted by the United States Trade Representative’s arguments about the TPP and the environment. In 2012, members of the United States Congress - including Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR), Olympia Snowe (R-ME), and John Kerry (D-MA) – wrote a letter, arguing that the trade agreement needs to provide strong protection for the environment: ‘We believe that a '21st century agreement' must have an environment chapter that guarantees ongoing sustainable trade and creates jobs, and this is what American businesses and consumers want and expect also.’ The group stressed that ‘A binding and enforceable TPP environment chapter that stands up for American interests is critical to our support of the TPP’. The Congressional leaders maintained: ‘We believe the 2007 bipartisan congressional consensus on environmental provisions included in recent trade agreements should serve as the framework for the environment chapter of the TPP.’ In 2013, senior members of the Democratic leadership expressed their opposition to granting President Barack Obama a fast-track authority in respect of the TPP House of Representatives Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said: ‘No on fast-track – Camp-Baucus – out of the question.’ Senator Majority leader Harry Reid commented: ‘I’m against Fast-Track: Everyone would be well-advised to push this right now.’ Senator Elizabeth Warren has been particularly critical of the process and the substance of the negotiations in the TPP: From what I hear, Wall Street, pharmaceuticals, telecom, big polluters and outsourcers are all salivating at the chance to rig the deal in the upcoming trade talks. So the question is, Why are the trade talks secret? You’ll love this answer. Boy, the things you learn on Capitol Hill. I actually have had supporters of the deal say to me ‘They have to be secret, because if the American people knew what was actually in them, they would be opposed. Think about that. Real people, people whose jobs are at stake, small-business owners who don’t want to compete with overseas companies that dump their waste in rivers and hire workers for a dollar a day—those people, people without an army of lobbyists—they would be opposed. I believe if people across this country would be opposed to a particular trade agreement, then maybe that trade agreement should not happen. The Finance Committee in the United States Congress deliberated over the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations in 2014. The new chair Ron Wyden has argued that there needs to be greater transparency in trade. Nonetheless, he has mooted the possibility of a ‘smart-track’ to reconcile the competing demands of the Obama Administration, and United States Congress. Wyden insisted: ‘The new breed of trade challenges spawned over the last generation must be addressed in imaginative new policies and locked into enforceable, ambitious, job-generating trade agreements.’ He emphasized that such agreements ‘must reflect the need for a free and open Internet, strong labor rights and environmental protections.’ Elder Democrat Sander Levin warned that the TPP failed to provide proper protection for the environment: The TPP parties are considering a different structure to protect the environment than the one adopted in the May 10 Agreement, which directly incorporated seven multilateral environmental agreements into the text of past trade agreements. While the form is less important than the substance, the TPP must provide an overall level of environmental protection that upholds and builds upon the May 10 standard, including fully enforceable obligations. But many of our trading partners are actively seeking to weaken the text to the point of falling short of that standard, including on key issues like conservation. Nonetheless, 2015, President Barack Obama was able to secure the overall support of the United States Congress for his ‘fast-track’ authority. This was made possible by the Republicans and dissident Democrats. Notably, Oregon Senator Ron Wyden switched sides, and was transformed from a critic of the TPP to an apologist for the TPP. For their part, green political parties and civil society organisations have been concerned about the secretive nature of the negotiations; and the substantive implications of the treaty for the environment. Environmental groups and climate advocates have been sceptical of the environmental claims made by the White House for the TPP. The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand, the Australian Greens and the Green Party of Canada have released a joint declaration on the TPP observing: ‘More than just another trade agreement, the TPP provisions could hinder access to safe, affordable medicines, weaken local content rules for media, stifle high-tech innovation, and even restrict the ability of future governments to legislate for the good of public health and the environment’. In the United States, civil society groups such as the Sierra Club, Public Citizen, WWF, the Friends of the Earth, the Rainforest Action Network and 350.org have raised concerns about the TPP and the environment. Allison Chin, President of the Sierra Club, complained about the lack of transparency, due process, and public participation in the TPP talks: ‘This is a stealth affront to the principles of our democracy.’ Maude Barlow’s The Council of Canadians has also been concerned about the TPP and environmental justice. New Zealand Sustainability Council executive director Simon Terry said the agreement showed ‘minimal real gains for nature’. A number of organisations have joined a grand coalition of civil society organisations, which are opposed to the grant of a fast-track. On the 15th January 2013, WikiLeaks released the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP - along with a report by the Chairs of the Environmental Working Group. Julian Assange, WikiLeaks' publisher, stated: ‘Today's WikiLeaks release shows that the public sweetener in the TPP is just media sugar water.’ He observed: ‘The fabled TPP environmental chapter turns out to be a toothless public relations exercise with no enforcement mechanism.’ This article provides a critical examination of the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP. The overall argument of the article is that the Environment Chapter of the TPP is an exercise in greenwashing – it is a public relations exercise by the United States Trade Representative, rather than a substantive regime for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim. Greenwashing has long been a problem in commerce, in which companies making misleading and deceptive claims about the environment. In his 2012 book, Greenwash: Big Brands and Carbon Scams, Guy Pearse considers the rise of green marketing and greenwashing. Government greenwashing is also a significant issue. In his book Storms of My Grandchildren, the climate scientist James Hansen raises his concerns about government greenwashing. Such a problem is apparent with the TPP – in which there was a gap between the assertions of the United States Government, and the reality of the agreement. This article contends that the TPP fails to meet the expectations created by President Barack Obama, the White House, and the United States Trade Representative about the environmental value of the agreement. First, this piece considers the relationship of the TPP to multilateral environmental treaties. Second, it explores whether the provisions in respect of the environment are enforceable. Third, this article examines the treatment of trade and biodiversity in the TPP. Fourth, this study considers the question of marine capture fisheries. Fifth, there is an evaluation of the cursory text in the TPP on conservation. Sixth, the article considers trade in environmental services under the TPP. Seventh, this article highlights the tensions between the TPP and substantive international climate action. It is submitted that the TPP undermines effective and meaningful government action and regulation in respect of climate change. The conclusion also highlights that a number of other chapters of the TPP will impact upon the protection of the environment – including the Investment Chapter, the Intellectual Property Chapter, the Technical Barriers to Trade Chapter, and the text on public procurement.

Hyvän hallinnon muunnelmat : Julkisoikeudellinen tutkimus

This doctoral thesis analyses the concepts of good governance and good administration. The hypothesis is that the concepts are radically indeterminate and over-inclusive. In the study the mechanisms of this indeterminacy are examined: why are the concepts indeterminate; how does the indeterminacy work and, indeed, is it by any means plausible to try to define the concepts in a closed way? Therefore, the study focuses on various current perspectives, from which the concepts of good governance and good administration are relevant and what kind of discursive contents they may include. The approach is both legal (a right to good administration) and one of moral philosophy and discourse analysis. It appears that under the meta-discourse of good governance and good administration there are different sub-discourses: at least a legal sub-discourse, a moral/ethical sub-discourse and sub-discourses concerning economic effectiveness and the promotion of societal and economic development. The main claim is that the various sub-discourses do not necessarily identify each other s value premises and conceptual underpinnings: for which value could the attribute good be substituted in different discourses (for example, good as legal, good as ethical and so on)? The underlying presumption is, of course, that values are ultimately subjective and incommensurable. One possible way of trying to resolve the dynamics of possible discourse collisions is to employ the systems theory approach. Can the different discourses be interpreted as autopoietic systems, which create and change themselves according to their own criteria and are formed around a binary code? Can the different discourses be reconciled or are they indifferent or hostile towards each other? Is there a hegemonic super discourse or is the construction of a correct meaning purely contextual? The questions come back to the notions of administration and governance themselves the terms the good in its polymorphic ways is attempting to define. Do they engage different political rationalities? It can be suggested that administration is labelled by instrumental reason, governance by teleological reason. In the final analysis, the most crucial factor is that of power. It is about a Schmittian battle of concepts; how meanings are constructed in the interplay between conceptual ambiguity and social power. Thus, the study deals with administrative law, legal theory and the limits of law from the perspective of revealing critique.

Hyvinvointivaltion läpimurto : Pienviljelyhegemonian rapautumisen, kansalaisliikehdinnän ja poliittisen murroksen keskinäiset suhteet suomalaisessa yhteiskunnassa 1950-luvun loppuvuosina

A Breakthrough of Welfare State. The inter-relationships of the civic movement, political transformation, and eroding of a hegemony based on small scale farming in the Finnish society in the late 1950's. The unusually rapid and powerful structural change; the non-parliamentary civic movements of 1956 - 1963; and the left majority in the Finnish parliament between 1958 - 1962 all took place as the Finnish welfare state started to develop. The aim of my research is to analyse the inter-relationships of these processes. The research describes the way the former semi self-sufficient, semi-proletarian and labour-intensive form of production - a simple and discriminatory system in itself - made it possible for the majority of the population to survive through hard work. For some it even provided a possibility to prosper. The waning vitality of semi self-sufficiency and small scale agriculture triggered a political ferment and started a period of searching for something new. The process was so intense that it broke up most of the parties and tore down the old consensus that was based on the power of economic and political elite. The most crucial battle of the great transformation was waged over the nature of the state: Should we build a welfare state and construct social security systems, or should we revert to the old night watchman state and, for example, cancel the modest forms of redistribution of income carried out in the 1950's? The people joining the civic movements were either cottagers of the impoverishing countryside or, quite often, people who had come from the countryside and thus had grown up under conditions of some form of solidarity that included taking care of one's own family. The Finnish social insurance developed in the midst of a change in the structure of production of the society, and it became a compromise to satisfy the needs of both the waning society of small scale agriculture and the rising proletarian society based on wage labour. The hodgepodge of political schemes and use of power became a battle between different notions of the economy and the state; the distribution of national income; and the position of Finland in the international context. This battle created a shape of an interregnum - a period of transformation including two notions of society, two alternative paths for the future and the logic of a correctional move. The transformation of Finland from a poor developing country into a prosperous society has been praised as a success story. In 1956 - 1959, when the old form of governance based on the interests of small scale agriculture and wood processing industry was in decay, and when the future seemed uncertain, the projects to reduce social benefits and efforts to distribute national income even more unequally than before led to a powerful counter-movement by citizens and started an hegemonic change and a equal socia development.

El impacto de la Primera Invasión Inglesa a la Ciudad de Buenos Aires en 1806, en la política del virrey José Fernando de Abascal y Sousa para el Virreinato del Perú

Resumen: José Fernando de Abascal y Sousa recibió la noticia de la invasión inglesa de 1806 a Buenos Aires, en el inicio de su administración como virrey del Virreinato del Perú. A partir de esta primera misiva enviada por el virrey Rafael de Sobre Monte, comenzó un intercambio epistolar entre las dos autoridades sobre dicho acontecimiento, a partir del cual se fueron perfi lando las preocupaciones, cuidados y políticas iniciales de defensa aplicadas por Abascal a su jurisdicción.

La distruzione delle statue di Pausania nella Sparta tardoantica (Lib. Ep. 1518)

Abstract: The late antique destruction of two bronze statues of Pausanias - the Spartan general responsible for the Greek victory at the Battle of Plataea (479 BC) - housed in the temple of Athena Chalkioikos in Sparta (Lib. Ep. 1518), has been interpreted as one of the few cases of a violent conflict between pagan and Christian population in Greece. Nevertheless the sources suggest that late antique Sparta was a bastion of Hellenic paganism and give a picture of a small and quiet town ruled by a pagan educated élite, where pagans like Libanius wanted to live. Since there is no evidence of a violent conflict between pagans and Christians in Sparta, and Libanius confirms that in 365 AD all the temples and cult statues were still in place, this paper addresses the issue from a different point of view and offers a new contribution to the history of Sparta in Late Antiquity. By using literary, archaeological and epigraphic evidence the paper explores: 1) the relationship between Roman administration and Spartan élite in the IVth century AD; 2) the historical memory of Pausanias in Late Antiquity. It will be emphasized that the obscure burning of the two statues helped to remove from Sparta the memory of Pausanias - a controversial figure, misrepresented in Late Antiquity and connected to the ancient staseis in Laconia - in order to promote a positive image of Sparta as a city without conflicts and ruled by the political system of Lycurgus (eunomia). As documented by local inscriptions in praise of late Roman governors, the mythical lawgiver Lycurgus was the paradigm of the imperial governors who rebuilded the town in the IVth cent. AD. It can be assumed that while Rome, Constantinople, Antioch and Athens were troubled by political and religious violence or by seditions between different factions, Sparta aimed to revive its traditional model of civic order in the new historical context of Late Antiquity.

Raíces ideológicas de la perspectiva de género

Resumen: El feminismo radical o de género tiene sus orígenes históricos, su matriz ideológica y su modo dialéctico de entender la relación varón-mujer, en el pensamiento marxista (Engels, de Beauvoir, Firestone). La “antítesis” de esta lucha de sexos es la revolución feminista radical, y su principal instrumento revolucionario y de penetración cultural es la ideología de género. La fase central de esta revolución es el apoderamiento, por parte de las mujeres, de los medios de reproducción. Los medios que han demostrado ser más aptos para lograr la victoria son el aborto por decisión privativa de la mujer, la fecundación artificial y el matrimonio entre personas del mismo sexo. La revolución se libra en el campo cultural y, luego, en el jurídico.