952 resultados para Hymns, Welsh.
Resumo:
Ystävä sä lapsien. Collections of Finnish language children s hymns and spiritual songs from 1824─1938 and their influence on the Hymnal 1938. The Hymnal has been the common song book of Lutheran parishes since the 1500s. In the beginning, the congregations sang the hymns from memory led by the choir or the church musician. The fundamentals of Christian faith are taught through the hymns, both in church and in family devotions. The Hymnal was the only song book of the church in Finland until the end of the 1800s. This study attempts to clarify when and by who were spiritual songs and hymns for children written in Finland. Research materials used were all the books I could find (approximately 200), whose headings were for pupils and young children in the home and school circles. The method of study is historical and analytical. In the first chapter, it is explained that children s literature in Finland differentiated from other literature at the end of the 1700s. Eric Juvelius published a small prayer book in 1781 with the prayer Gud, som hafver barnen kär / Jumala joka Lapsia rakasta. From that, after many Finnish translations, the first verse of the hymn Ystävä sä lapsien took shape. The second chapter considers singing instruction in the folk school from the beginning of the 1860s. Textbooks, including songbooks, were produced for the pupils. Some of the first pioneers in producing these materials were the teachers P.J. Hannikainen, Sofie Lithenius, Mikael Nyberg, Anton Rikström and Aksel Törnudd, as well as Hilja Haahti, Immi Hellén and Alli Nissinen, who were all teachers gifted in writing poetry. Several new spiritual songs appeared in the folk school songbooks. Hymns were sung often, especially in connection with church year celebrations. Children s songs in Christian education are discussed in the third chapter. The Lutheran Evangelical Association of Finland recognized children already in its early song collections. The illustrative teaching methods in the folk school influenced the Sunday school activities and especially the Sunday school hymns. Hymns introduced as exclusively for children and pupils which appear in the Hymnal from 1886 and the supplement to the 1923 Hymnal are explored in the fourth and fifth chapters. The study shows that the renewal of church life at the beginning of the 1900s also resulted in an increase of the number of spiritual songs for children. This is also seen in the diverse choice of songs in the supplementary materials from 1923. The final chapter deals with the School and Childhood section of the 1938 Hymnal. The Hymnal committee did not think that the already well known folk school and Sunday school songs received enough attention in the Hymnal. Those songs were, among others, Kautta tyynen, vienon yön, Oi, katsopa lintua oksalla puun, Olen Luojani pikku varpunen, Rakas Isä taivahan ja Tuolla keinuu pieni pursi. Heikki Klemetti, Ilmari Krohn, Armas Maasalo and Aarni Voipio influenced the opinion that the spiritual songs still were not suitable to be sung in church. Hymns for children and pupils were brought into the same line as the entire Hymnal. The same hymn tunes, which were mainly old ones, were used as common settings for numerous hymn texts. No special type of melody emerged for the children s hymns. It was still notable that hymns for children and pupils were collected at all. In addition, the Hymnal committee marked those verses suggested for singing in both the folk school and Sunday school with an asterisk (*) throughout the entire Hymnal.
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The purpose of my research is to inquire into the essence and activity of God in the legendarium of the English philologist and writer J.R.R. Tolkien (1892-1973). The legendarium, composed of Tolkien’s writings related to Middle-earth, was begun when he created two Elvish languages, Quenya based on Finnish, Sindarin based on Welsh. Tolkien developed his mythology inspired by Germanic myths and The Kalevala. It is a fictional ancient history set in our world. The legendarium is monotheistic: God is called Eru ‘The One’ and Ilúvatar ‘Father of All’. Eru is the same as the Christian God, for Tolkien wanted to keep his tales consistent with his faith. He said his works were Christian by nature, with the religious element absorbed into the story and the symbolism. In The Silmarillion, set in the primeval ages of Middle-earth, the theological aspects are more conspicuous, while in The Lord of the Rings, which brings the stories to an end, they are mostly limited to symbolic references. The legendarium is unified by its realistic outlook on creaturely abilities and hope expressing itself as humbly defiant resistance. ”The possibility of complexity or of distinctions in the nature of Eru” is a part of the legendarium. Eru Ilúvatar is Trinitarian, as per Tolkien’s faith. Without contextual qualifiers, Eru seems to refer to God the Father, like God in the Bible. Being the creator who dwells outside the world is attributed to Him. The Holy Spirit is the only Person of the Trinity bestown with names: the Flame Imperishable and the Secret Fire. When Eru creates the material world with His word, He sends the Flame Imperishable to burn at the heart of the world. The Secret Fire signifies the Creative Power that belongs to God alone, and is a part of Him. The Son, the Word, is not directly mentioned, but according to one writing Eru must step inside the world in order to save it from corruption, yet remain outside it at the same time. The inner structure of the legendarium refers to the need for a future salvation. The creative word of Eru, “Eä! Let these things Be!”, probably has a connection with the Logos in Christianity. Thus we can find three “distinctions” in Eru: a Creator who dwells outside the world, a Sustainer who dwells inside it and a Redeemer who shall step inside it. Some studies of Tolkien have claimed that Eru is distant and remote. This seems to hold water only partially. Ilúvatar, the Father of All, has a special relation with the Eruhíni, His Children, the immortal Elves and the mortal Men. He communicates with them directly only through the Valar, who resemble archangels. Nevertheless, only the Children of Eru can fight against evil, because their tragic fortunes turn evil into good. Even though religious activities are scarce among them, the fundamental faith and ultimate hope of the “Free Peoples” is directed towards Eru. He is present in the drama of history as the “Author of the Story”, who at times also interferes with its course through catastrophes and eucatastrophes, ‘good catastrophes’. Eru brings about a catastrophe when evil would otherwise bring good to an end, and He brings about a eucatasrophe when creaturely strength is not sufficent for victory. Victory over corruption is especially connected with mortal Men, of whom the most (or least) insignificant people are the Hobbits. However, because of the “primeval disaster” (that is, fall) of Mankind, ultimate salvation can only remain open, a hope for the far future.
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Translating the numerous lengthy cleaning standards and guidelines into meaningful and sustained improvements in cleaning practice is challenging. This research hypothesized that an evidence based cleaning bundle would improve cleaning performance, knowledge and attitudes, and ultimately reduces healthcare associated infections (HAI) in a way that is value for money. A bundle is a small, straightforward set of evidence based practices, that when performed collectively and reliably, improves patient outcomes.
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The evacuation of Finnish children to Sweden during WW II has often been called a small migration . Historical research on this subject is scarce, considering the great number of children involved. The present research has applied, apart from the traditional archive research, the framework of history-culture developed by Rüsen in order to have an all-inclusive approach to the impact of this historical event. The framework has three dimensions: political, aesthetic and cognitive. The collective memory of war children has also been discussed. The research looks for political factors involved in the evacuations during the Winter War and the Continuation War and the post-war period. The approach is wider than a purely humanitarian one. Political factors have had an impact in both Finland and Sweden, beginning from the decision-making process and ending with the discussion of the unexpected consequences of the evacuations in the Finnish Parliament in 1950. The Winter War (30.11.1939 13.3.1940) witnessed the first child transports. These were also the model for future decision making. The transports were begun on the initiative of Swedes Maja Sandler, the wife of the resigned minister of foreign affairs Rickard Sandler, and Hanna Rydh-Munck af Rosenschöld , but this activity was soon accepted by the Swedish government because the humanitarian help in the form of child transports lightened the political burden of Prime Minister Hansson, who was not willing to help Finland militarily. It was help that Finland never asked for and it was rejected at the beginning. The negative response of Minister Juho Koivisto was not taken very seriously. The political forces in Finland supporting child transports were stronger than those rejecting them. The major politicians in support belonged to Finland´s Swedish minority. In addition, close to 1 000 Finnish children remained in Sweden after the Winter War. No analysis was made of the reasons why these children did not return home. A committee set up to help Finland and Norway was established in Sweden in 1941. Its chairman was Torsten Nothin, an influential Swedish politician. In December 1941 he appealed to the Swedish government to provide help to Finnish children under the authority of The International Red Cross. This plea had no results. The delivery of great amounts of food to Finland, which was now at war with Great Britain, had automatically caused reactions among the allies against the Swedish imports through Gothenburg. This included the import of oil, which was essential for the Swedish navy and air force. Oil was later used successfully to force a reduction in commerce between Sweden and Finland. The contradiction between Sweden´s essential political interests and humanitarian help was solved in a way that did not harm the country´s vital political interests. Instead of delivering help to Finland, Finnish children were transported to Sweden through the organisations that had already been created. At the beginning of the Continuation War (25.6.1941 27.4.1945) negative opinion regarding child transports re-emerged in Finland. Karl-August Fagerholm implemented the transports in September 1941. In 1942, members of the conservative parties in the Finnish Parliament expressed their fear of losing the children to the Swedes. They suggested that Finland should withdraw from the inter-Nordic agreement, according to which the adoptions were approved by the court of the country where the child resided. This initiative failed. Paavo Virkkunen, an influential member of the conservative party Kokoomus in Finland, favoured the so-called good-father system, where help was delivered to Finland in the form of money and goods. Virkkunen was concerned about the consequences of a long stay in a Swedish family. The risk of losing the children was clear. The extreme conservative party (IKL, the Patriotic Movement of the Finnish People) wanted to alienate Finland from Sweden and bring Finland closer to Germany. Von Blücher, the German ambassador to Finland, had in his report to Berlin, mentioned the political consequences of the child transports. Among other things, they would bring Finland and Sweden closer to each other. He had also paid attention to the Nordic political orientation in Finland. He did not question or criticize the child transports. His main interest was to increase German political influence in Finland, and the Nordic political orientation was an obstacle. Fagerholm was politically ill-favoured by the Germans, because he had a strong Nordic political disposition and had criticised Germany´s activities in Norway. The criticism of child transports was at the same time criticism of Fagerholm. The official censorship organ of the Finnish government (VTL) denied the criticism of child transports in January 1942. The reasons were political. Statements made by members of the Finnish Parliament were also censored, because it was thought that they would offend the Swedes. In addition, the censorship organ used child transports as a means of active propaganda aimed at improving the relations between the two countries. The Finnish Parliament was informed in 1948 that about 15 000 Finnish children still remained in Sweden. These children would stay there permanently. In 1950 the members of the Agrarian Party in Finland stated that Finland should actively strive to get the children back. The party on the left (SKDL, the Democratic Movement of Finnish People) also focused on the unexpected consequences of the child transports. The Social Democrats, and largely Fagerholm, had been the main force in Finland behind the child transports. Members of the SKDL, controlled by Finland´s Communist Party, stated that the war time authorities were responsible for this war loss. Many of the Finnish parents could not get their children back despite repeated requests. The discussion of the problem became political, for example von Born, a member of the Swedish minority party RKP, related this problem to foreign policy by stating that the request to repatriate the Finnish children would have negative political consequences for the relations between Finland and Sweden. He emphasized expressing feelings of gratitude to the Swedes. After the war a new foreign policy was established by Prime Minister (1944 1946) and later President (1946 1956) Juho Kusti Paasikivi. The main cornerstone of this policy was to establish good relations with the Soviet Union. The other, often forgotten, cornerstone was to simultaneously establish good relations with other Nordic countries, especially Sweden, as a counterbalance. The unexpected results of the child evacuation, a Swedish initiative, had violated the good relations with Sweden. The motives of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People were much the same as those of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People. Only the ideology was different. The Nordic political orientation was an obstacle to both parties. The position of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People was much better than that of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People, because now one could clearly see the unexpected results, which included human tragedy for the many families who could not be re-united with their children despite their repeated requests. The Swedes questioned the figure given to the Finnish Parliament regarding the number of children permanently remaining in Sweden. This research agrees with the Swedes. In a calculation based on Swedish population registers, the number of these children is about 7 100. The reliability of this figure is increased by the fact that the child allowance programme began in Sweden in 1948. The prerequisite to have this allowance was that the child be in the Swedish population register. It was not necessary for the child to have Swedish nationality. The Finnish Parliament had false information about the number of Finnish children who remained in Sweden in 1942 and in 1950. There was no parliamentary control in Finland regarding child transports, because the decision was made by one cabinet member and speeches by MPs in the Finnish Parliament were censored, like all criticism regarding child transports to Sweden. In Great Britain parliamentary control worked better throughout the whole war, because the speeches regarding evacuation were not censored. At the beginning of the war certain members of the British Labour Party and the Welsh Nationalists were particularly outspoken about the scheme. Fagerholm does not discuss to any great extent the child transports in his memoirs. He does not evaluate the process and results as a whole. This research provides some possibilities for an evaluation of this sort. The Swedish medical reports give a clear picture of the physical condition of the Finnish children when arriving in Sweden. The transports actually revealed how bad the situation of the poorest children was. According to Titmuss, similar observations were made in Great Britain during the British evacuations. The child transports saved the lives of approximately 2 900 children. Most of these children were removed to Sweden to receive treatment for illnesses, but many among the healthy children were undernourished and some suffered from the effects of tuberculosis. The medical inspection in Finland was not thorough. If you compare the figure of 2 900 children saved and returned with the figure of about 7 100 children who remained permanently in Sweden, you may draw the conclusion that Finland as a country failed to benefit from the child transports, and that the whole operation was a political mistake with far-reaching consequenses. The basic goal of the operation was to save lives and have all the children return to Finland after the war. The difficulties with the repatriation of the children were mainly psychological. The level of child psychology in Finland at that time was low. One may question the report by Professor Martti Kaila regarding the adaptation of children to their families back in Finland. Anna Freud´s warnings concerning the difficulties that arise when child evacuees return are also valid in Finland. Freud viewed the emotional life of children in a way different from Kaila: the physical survival of a small child forces her to create strong emotional ties to the person who is looking after her. This, a characteristic of all small children, occurred with the Finnish children too, and it was something the political decision makers in Finland could not see during and after the war. It is a characteristic of all little children. Yet, such experiences were already evident during the Winter War. The best possible solution had been to limit the child transports only to children in need of medical treatment. Children from large and poor families had been helped by organising meals and by buying food from Denmark with Swedish money. Assisting Finland by all possible means should have been the basic goal of Fagerholm in September 1941, when the offer of child transports came from Sweden. Fagerholm felt gratitude towards the Swedes. The risks became clear to him only in 1943. The war children are today a rather scattered and diffuse group of people. Emotionally, part of these children remained in Sweden after the war. There is no clear collective memory, only individual memories; the collective memory of the war children has partly been shaped later through the activities of the war child associations. The main difference between the children evacuated in Finland (for example from Karelia to safer areas with their families) and the war children, who were sent abroad, is that the war children lack a shared story and experience with their families. They were outsiders . The whole matter is sensitive to many of such mothers and discussing the subject has often been avoided in families. The war-time censorship has continued in families through silence and avoidance and Finnish politicians and Finnish families had to face each other on this issue after the war. The lack of all-inclusive historical research has also prevented the formation of a collective awareness among war children returned to Finland or those remaining permanently abroad.. Knowledge of historical facts will help war-children by providing an opportunity to create an all-inclusive approach to the past. Personal experiences should be regarded as part of a large historical entity shadowed by war and where many political factors were at work in both Finland and Sweden. This means strengthening of the cognitive dimension discussed in Rüsen´s all-inclusive historical approach.
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Resumen: Un tipo de literatura latina no narrativa, asimilable más bien al discurso doctrinal teológico y mariológico y, por otro lado, a la himnodia litúrgica, deja entrever su influencia en las colecciones ibéricas de milagros marianos en verso del siglo XIII, las Cantigas de Santa María de Alfonso X y los Milagros de Nuestra Señora de Gonzalo de Berceo. Las muy escasas menciones a fuentes en las Cantigas de Santa María no invalidan la evidencia de múltiples “citas” reconocibles. Así, por ejemplo, es posible encontrar himnos y antífonas explícitamente citados (Te Deum laudamus, Salve Regina, Ave Maris Stella, además de glosas al Ave María) y, más allá de estos, se perciben otros modos de inserción de la lírica himnódica en la narración de los milagros. Se propone, entonces, iluminar estos loci donde parece haber un texto aludido o “escondido”, para considerar sus diversos modos de traducción, adopción y reelaboración.
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Resumen: La Historia regum Britanniae (circa 1139) del obispo galés Geoffrey de Monmouth, texto destacado en el corpus latino medieval a causa de sus proyecciones tanto historiográficas como ficcionales, tiene como objeto referir los actos de todos los monarcas célticos de la Gran Bretaña anteriores a la conquista germánica. En este propósito, sus capítulos 112 a 117 obran como una mise en abîme puesto que las Prophetiae Merlini que allí se leen, atribuidas al famoso mago pero inspiradas en la literatura apocalíptica vétero y neotestamentaria, reproducen proféticamente las grandes líneas de contenido de la propia crónica, e incluso anticipan la restauración definitiva de los celtas derrotados. Aunque Wace, Chrétien de Troyes y la tradición romancística francesa posterior, deudora de la Historia en muchos puntos, desecharon el texto a causa de su agudo hermetismo, el mismo sí se difundió por el continente y reapareció asombrosamente interpolado, en versión castellana, dentro de dos tardíos ejemplares del género caballeresco hispánico, el Baladro del sabio Merlín con sus profecías (Burgos, 1498) y la primera parte de la Demanda del santo Grial (Sevilla, 1535). La presente comunicación tiene como objetivos reseñar los actuales conocimientos de la crítica acerca de esta versión castellana de las Prophetiae y señalar los problemas aún pendientes de resolución; serán consideradas las contribuciones fundamentales relativas al original latino y, también, a las versiones francesas conservadas, dada la posibilidad de que nuestra traducción tenga una fuente gala
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Integran este número de la revista ponencias presentadas en Studia Hispanica Medievalia VIII: Actas de las IX Jornadas Internacionales de Literatura Española Medieval, 2008, y de Homenaje al Quinto Centenario de Amadis de Gaula.
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Integran este número de la revista ponencias presentadas en Studia Hispanica Medievalia VIII : Actas de las X Jornadas Internacionales de Literatura Española Medieval, 2011, y de Homenaje al Quinto Centenario del Cancionero General de Hernando del Castillo.
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We study the language choice behavior of bilingual speakers in modern societies, such as the Basque Country, Ireland andWales. These countries have two o cial languages:A, spoken by all, and B, spoken by a minority. We think of the bilinguals in those societies as a population playing repeatedly a Bayesian game in which, they must choose strategically the language, A or B, that might be used in the interaction. The choice has to be made under imperfect information about the linguistic type of the interlocutors. We take the Nash equilibrium of the language use game as a model for real life language choice behavior. It is shown that the predictions made with this model t very well the data about the actual use, contained in the censuses, of Basque, Irish and Welsh languages. Then the question posed by Fishman (2001),which appears in the title, is answered as follows: it is hard, mainly, because bilingual speakers have reached an equilibrium which is evolutionary stable. This means that to solve fast and in a re ex manner their frequent language coordination problem, bilinguals have developed linguistic conventions based chie y on the strategy 'Use the same language as your interlocutor', which weakens the actual use of B.1
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This thesis focuses mainly on linear algebraic aspects of combinatorics. Let N_t(H) be an incidence matrix with edges versus all subhypergraphs of a complete hypergraph that are isomorphic to H. Richard M. Wilson and the author find the general formula for the Smith normal form or diagonal form of N_t(H) for all simple graphs H and for a very general class of t-uniform hypergraphs H.
As a continuation, the author determines the formula for diagonal forms of integer matrices obtained from other combinatorial structures, including incidence matrices for subgraphs of a complete bipartite graph and inclusion matrices for multisets.
One major application of diagonal forms is in zero-sum Ramsey theory. For instance, Caro's results in zero-sum Ramsey numbers for graphs and Caro and Yuster's results in zero-sum bipartite Ramsey numbers can be reproduced. These results are further generalized to t-uniform hypergraphs. Other applications include signed bipartite graph designs.
Research results on some other problems are also included in this thesis, such as a Ramsey-type problem on equipartitions, Hartman's conjecture on large sets of designs and a matroid theory problem proposed by Welsh.
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As background to a study of the application of astracods in environmental archaeology, a number of sites in South Wales were visited and sampled. Sites included seven broad environmental categories consisting of lakes, permanent ponds, non-permanent ponds, semi-static canals and reens (drainage ditches), non-permanent small lotic water-bodies, permanent fast-flowing waters and wells. In all, twenty-three species were recorded, and with one exception all belonged to the predominately freshwater Cypridoidea. Overall the most commonly encountered species in South Wales was Cypria ophthalmica. Comparing finds with earlier records, it would appear that Ilyocypris bradyi, Candona pratensis, Eucypris lilljeborgi, Herpetocypris chevreuxi, Potamocypris variegata, P. similis and P. pallida are new additions to the Welsh fauna.
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This article is an attempt to devise a method of using certain species of Corixidae as a basis for the assessment of general water quality in lakes. An empirical graphical representation of the distribution of populations or communities of Corixidae in relation to conductivity, based mainly on English and Welsh lakes, is used as a predictive monitoring model to establish the "expected" normal community at a given conductivity, representing the total ionic concentration of the water body. A test sample from another lake of known conductivity is then compared with "expected" community. The "goodness of fit" is examined visually or by calculation of indices of similarity based on the relative proportions of the constituent species of each community. A computer programme has been devised for this purpose.
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We present the first experimental evidence that the heat capacity of superfluid 4He, at temperatures very close to the lambda transition temperature, Tλ,is enhanced by a constant heat flux, Q. The heat capacity at constant Q, CQ,is predicted to diverge at a temperature Tc(Q) < Tλ at which superflow becomes unstable. In agreement with previous measurements, we find that dissipation enters our cell at a temperature, TDAS(Q),below the theoretical value, Tc(Q). Our measurements of CQ were taken using the discrete pulse method at fourteen different heat flux values in the range 1µW/cm2 ≤ Q≤ 4µW /cm2. The excess heat capacity ∆CQ we measure has the predicted scaling behavior as a function of T and Q:∆CQ • tα ∝ (Q/Qc)2, where QcT) ~ t2ν is the critical heat current that results from the inversion of the equation for Tc(Q). We find that if the theoretical value of Tc( Q) is correct, then ∆CQ is considerably larger than anticipated. On the other hand,if Tc(Q)≈ TDAS(Q),then ∆CQ is the same magnitude as the theoretically predicted enhancement.
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Wales is important for fish conservation in Britain. In much of Wales, atchments are small (median catchment size = 121 km2 ) and frequently eparated by areas of upland (> 600 m altitude), creating a highly agmented habitat for freshwater fish. Consequently, fish communities onsist mainly of diadromous species such as trout, eel and sticklebacks hat were able to recolonise freshwaters via the sea following the retreat of he ice sheets ca. 10 000 years BP. This review aims to (i) update the former work of Lyle and Maitland, taking into account new National Nature Reserves (NNRs)and additional data collected since 1991; (ii) assess the different fish communities represented on Welsh NNRs with respect to their naturalness; (iii) examine the use of NNRs for angling; (iv) evaluate opportunities for expanding the NNR series to conserve fish populations of conservation importance. The paper provides a table of freshwater fish occurrence by water body in Wales.
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Steady-state procedures, of their very nature, cannot deal with dynamic situations. Statistical models require extensive calibration, and predictions often have to be made for environmental conditions which are often outside the original calibration conditions. In addition, the calibration requirement makes them difficult to transfer to other lakes. To date, no computer programs have been developed which will successfully predict changes in species of algae. The obvious solution to these limitations is to apply our limnological knowledge to the problem and develop functional models, so reducing the requirement for such rigorous calibration. Reynolds has proposed a model, based on fundamental principles of algal response to environmental events, which has successfully recreated the maximum observed biomass, the timing of events and a fair simulation of the species succession in several lakes. A forerunner of this model was developed jointly with Welsh Water under contract to Messrs. Wallace Evans and Partners, for use in the Cardiff Bay Barrage study. In this paper the authors test a much developed form of this original model against a more complex data-set and, using a simple example, show how it can be applied as an aid in the choice of management strategy for the reduction of problems caused by eutrophication. Some further developments of the model are indicated.