The Evolution and Reform of Summary Trials in Canadian Military Justice

There is a place where a Canadian citizen can be sent to 30 days detention, by someone who is not a judge, without being represented by counsel, and without having a meaningful right to appeal. It is the summary trial system of the Canadian Armed Forces. This thesis analyses that system and suggests reforms. It is aimed at those who have an interest in improving the administration of military justice at the unit level but want to sufficiently understand the issues before doing so. Through a classic legal approach with elements of legal history and comparative law, this study begins by setting military justice in the Canadian legal firmament. The introductory chapter also explains fundamental concepts, first and foremost the broader notion of discipline, for which summary trial is one of the last maintaining tools. Chapter II describes the current system. An overview of its historical background is first given. Then, each procedural step is demystified, from investigation until review. Chapter III identifies potential breaches of the Charter, highlighting those that put the system at greater constitutional risk: the lack of judicial independence, the absence of hearing transcript, the lack of legal representation and the disparity of treatment between ranks. Alternatives adopted in the Canadian Armed Forces and in foreign jurisdictions, from both common law and civil law traditions, in addressing similar challenges are reviewed in Chapter IV. Chapter V analyses whether the breaches could nevertheless be justified in a free and democratic society. Its conclusion is that, considering the availability of reasonable alternatives, it would be hard to convince a court that the current system is a legitimate impairment of the individual’s legal rights. The conclusion Chapter presents options to address current challenges. First, the approach of ‘depenalization’ taken by the Government in recent Bill C-71 is analysed and criticised. The ‘judicialization’ approach is advocated through a series of 16 recommendations designed not only to strengthen the constitutionality of the system but also to improve the administration of military justice in furtherance of service members’ legal rights.

Contemporary Transformations of the Relations between Politics, Culture and Religion in Western Europe. Some Notes on the Spanish Case

According to Tilly, two laws shaped the process of transformation undergone by Western European societies since the Peace of Westphalia until the end of the 20th century: their increasing inner homogenisation and their growing heterogeneity between them. Cultural inner homogenisation affected, fi rst, those ethnic groups living within the territories of the said states. The second phase of homogenisation impinged on those groups that immigrated after World War II. This process followed different models according to the country considered, but the 1973 oil crisis revealed their general lack of success. During the last quarter of the 20th century and onwards, these European societies have been altered by two progressive and contradictory global logics: a process of cultural homogenisation at the world level (rather than society level) and a process of cultural re-creation led by those groups with an immigrant background, who have reacted against their integration shortcomings by searching for new sources of social and personal esteem in their respective cultural and religious traditions. This paper seeks to clarify these processes from a social differentiation and political representation theory perspective. The latter becomes indispensable, as the said processes have happened in a context in which the structure of relations (i.e. communication) between civil society and the democratic political sphere have experienced a radical crisis. In this way, the complex relations that exist between civil society, culture, religion and politics in these Western European societies are depicted.

W. E. B. Du Bois, Black Agency and the Slaves' Civil War

This article reviews the historical literature on slave self-activity during the US Civil War, taking account of recent developments in historiography. Attempting to move beyond the debate between those who argue for 'slave self-emancipation' and others who emphasize the role of high politics, this article suggests that while slaves played a central role in re-directing the war into an assault on slavery, there were severe constraints on their activity as well. Northern military advances played a critical role in opening up the Confederate South to slave self-assertion.

Divided Conquerors: the Rump Parliament, Cromwell's Army and Ireland

This article reassesses the relationship that existed in the period 1649–53 between war in Ireland and politics in England. Drawing upon a largely overlooked Irish army petition, it seeks to remedy an evident disconnect between the respective historiographies of the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland on the one hand and the Rump Parliament on the other. The article reconstructs some of the various disputes over religion, authority and violence that undermined the unity of the English wartime regime in Ireland. It then charts the eventual spilling over of these disputes into Westminster politics, arguing that their impact on deteriorating army-parliament relations in the year prior to Oliver Cromwell’s expulsion of the Rump in April 1653 has not been fully appreciated. The key driver of these developments was John Weaver, a republican MP and commissioner for the civil government of Ireland. The article explains how his efforts both to place restraints on the excessive violence of the conquest and to exert civilian control over the military evolved, by 1652, into a determined campaign at Westminster to strengthen the powers of Ireland’s civil government and to limit the army’s share in the prospective Irish land settlement. Weaver’s campaign forced the army officers in Ireland to intervene at Westminster, thus placing increased pressure on the Rump Parliament. This reassessment also enables the early 1650s to be viewed more clearly as a key phase in the operation of the longer-term relationships of mutual influence that existed between Dublin and London in the seventeenth century.

As Características das Redes Sociais Pessoais de Idosos Segundo o Estado Civil

Objetivos: O presente estudo tem como principal objetivo caraterizar as redes sociais pessoais dos idosos com idade igual ou superior a 65 anos, relativamente às caraterísticas estruturais, funcionais e relacionais-contextuais, analisando-as segundo o estado civil. Metodologia: Para avaliar as variáveis em estudo foram utilizados: o instrumento de Análise da Rede Social Pessoal, versão para idosos (IARSP – Idosos) (Guadalupe, 2010; Guadalupe & Vicente, 2012) com o objetivo de avaliar as dimensões da rede social pessoal dos idosos e um inquérito por questionário para caracterização sociodemográfica. Participantes: A amostra é constituída por 446 idosos com idades compreendidas entre os 65 anos e os 98 anos (M = 76,09; DP = 7,59). Os participantes são na sua maioria do sexo feminino (n = 285, 63,9%). A maioria dos idosos é casada/união de facto (n = 230, 51,6%) e em minoria encontram-se os divorciados/separados (n = 21, 4,7%) e têm filhos (n=389, 87,2%). Resultados: Os resultados demonstram que o estado civil apresenta associações estatisticamente significativas com as variáveis sociodemográficas sexo, idade, viver só, parentalidade e escolaridade. Registam-se diferenças significativas relativamente ao estado civil no que diz respeito à maioria das características estruturais da rede, quanto às características funcionais, nomeadamente o acesso a novos vínculos, a reciprocidade de apoio, a satisfação com a rede e com o suporte social, e quanto às características relacionais-contextuais apenas se assinalam relativamente à distância de residência. Conclusões: O nosso estudo revela que as redes sociais pessoais dos idosos se diferenciam a nível estrutural e funcional segundo o estado civil destes idosos. Os idosos casados apresentam redes maiores mais centradas nas relações familiares na rede do que os idosos com outros estados civis. Os idosos solteiros são os que apresentam redes menores, mais investidas nas relações de amizade e de vizinhança e menos nas relações familiares comparativamente com os outros tipos de relacionamento. / Objectives: This study aims to characterize the personal social networks of the elderly aged 65 years or more, for structural, functional and relational-contextual features, analyzing them according to marital status. Methodology: To assess the variables studied the following was used: the analysis tool of the Personal Social Network, version for elderly (IARSP - Elderly) (Guadalupe, 2010; Guadalupe & Vicente, 2012) in order to assess the dimensions of the personal social network of the elderly and a questionnaire for socio-demographic characterization. Participants: The sample comprises 446 elderly, aged between 65 years and 98 years (M = 76.09, SD = 7.59). Participants are mostly female (n = 285, 63.9%). Most seniors are married / consensual union (n = 230, 51.6%) and a minority is divorced / separated (n = 21, 4.7%) and have children (n = 389, 87. 2%). Results: The results show that marital status has statistically significant associations with the sociodemographic variables, gender, age, living alone, and parenting and education. There are significant differences with regard to marital status relating to most of the structural characteristics of the network, for the functional features, namely access to new links, reciprocal support, satisfaction with the network and social support, and as to the relational-contextual characteristics these only appear in relation to the distance of residence. Conclusions: Our study shows that personal social networks of the elderly are different on a structural and functional level according to the marital status of these seniors. Married elderly have larger networks more centered on family relationships on the network than the elderly with other marital statuses. The single elderly are those with smaller networks, more invested in the relations of friendship and neighborhood and less on family relationships compared to other types of relationship.

A implementação de ações de integração na segurança pública: o caso das polícias civil e militar do Rio Grande do Norte

The research aimed to understand the challenges for the implementation of the proposed integration between the Civil Police and the Military Police in Rio Grande do Norte to the proposals of the SUSP. This study aimed to explore the gap with regard to the deepening of the possible causes that may hinder the implementation of integrated working between the police in public security, through a specific analysis on the state of Rio Grande do Norte. Was based on a theoretical framework that includes policies: general concepts, the steps of a public policy, the implementation stage , public security : conceptual definitions, policies on security in Brazil, the structure of public security in Brazil and systems police, Military Police x Civil Police: Roles and conflicts , integrating public security: the challenges to be overcome, the Unified public Safety (SUSP) and the main difficulties in the integration of the police. Being classified as to the purposes as an exploratory research on how to approach ranks as qualitative. The research unit was the Center for Integrated Operations Public Safety (CIOSP) through three subjects who were the chief CIOSP, the representative of the military police acting with the CIOSP, and representative civil police also active with the CIOSP. These subjects were chosen because of the understanding that individuals occupying senior positions would have more ability to respond to questions that guide the research problem. Data were collected through a set of interviews, qualitative data analysis was performed based content analysis, based on the definition of categories of analysis, gated time cross. With the results, it was revealed that the main problems of integration between the state police are treatment protocols, lack of political will and lack of infrastructure. The relationship between the Military Police and Civil Police in Rio Grande do Norte has differing cultural aspect, but can be considered as good value, professionalism and integrated operations. The implementation of CIOSP-RN followed the characteristics of the top-down model, the main difficulties in implementing the proposals of the SUSP, lack of own resources, the lack of standardization in public safety and the lack of professional training of public safety. It was concluded that with respect to the challenges to the implementation of the proposed integration between the Civil Police and the Military Police in Rio Grande do Norte to the proposals of the SUSP, the actions follow the characteristics of the top-down model, with no autonomy of administrators public to say in decisions, which restricts the view of the public safety of the state

Historia en voz baja: la oralidad y el rumor para la narración de la Guerra Civil española en la ‘Primera derrota’ de Alberto Méndez

The first of the four paths that structure the book "Los girasoles ciegos", by Alberto Méndez – with its theory about the delayed end of the Spanish Civil War as a longing for destruction outside of any kind of strategy based on military logic – presents the construction of a memory based on certain oral marks, facts provided quietly by apparently non-central characters, the distrust of written documents, and the use of speech patterns mostly associated with spontaneity in order to set up a level of verisimilitude which makes the memory emerge in parallel pathways considered relatively reliable (for example, the case of a report), forged speech on the basis of indirect references, testimonials and letters. The aim of the paper is to consider an example of contemporary Spanish narrative in which a journey, perhaps weak in terms of the material, support to the channels through which the narrator comes in the story through the voice of the people – but functional as an approach to a search of the recent past – contributes to a certain conception of memory.

CIVIL WAR SETTLEMENTS AND COMBATANTS’ BEHAVIORS: STRATEGY, PERCEPTION, AND REPUTATION

Three projects in my dissertation focus on the termination of internal conflicts based on three critical factors: a combatant’s bargaining strategy, perceptions of relative capabilities, and reputation for toughness. My dissertation aims to provide the relevant theoretical framework to understand war termination beyond the simple two-party bargaining context. The first project focuses on the government’s strategic use of peace agreements. The first project suggests that peace can also be designed strategically to create a better bargain in the near future by changing the current power balance, and thus the timing and nature of peace is not solely a function of overcoming current barriers to successful bargaining. As long as the government has no overwhelming capability to defeat all rebel groups simultaneously, it needs to keep multiple rebel groups as divided as possible. This strategic partial peace helps to deter multiple rebel groups from collaborating in the battlefield and increases the chances of victory against non-signatories. The second project deals with combatants’ perceptions of relative capabilities. While bargaining theories of war suggest that war ends when combatants share a similar perception about their relative capabilities, combatants’ perceptions about relative capabilities are not often homogeneous. While focusing on information problems, this paper examines when a rebel group underestimates the government’s supremacy in relative capabilities and how this heterogeneous perception about the power gap influences negotiated settlements. The third project deals with the tension between different types of reputations in the context of civil wars: 1) a reputation for resolve and 2) a reputation for keeping human rights standards. In the context of civil wars, the use of indiscriminate violence by the government is costly, and as such, it signals the government’s toughness (or resolve) to rebel groups. I argue that the rebels are more likely to accept the government’s offer when the government recently engaged in indiscriminate violence against civilians during the conflict. This effect, however, is conditional on the government’s international human rights reputation; suggesting that rebel groups interpret this violence as a signal particularly when the government does not have a penchant for attacking civilians in general.

Critique féministe matérialiste du droit civil québécois : le travail « domestique » et les violences sexuées, les « impensés » du droit du logement

Cette recherche constitue un essai de théorie critique féministe matérialiste et radicale. Elle poursuit principalement un objectif de dénonciation de la structure actuelle du droit du logement. À partir d’un cadre conceptuel fondé sur le féminisme matérialiste et radical, elle souhaite faire ressortir le point de vue de la classe des femmes dans l’habitation. Le droit du logement est ici utilisé dans un sens large, puisqu’il se réfère à la fois au logement comme phénomène juridique, mais aussi sociologique. À l’intérieur de la discipline juridique, il renvoie à l’ensemble des législations actuellement en vigueur au Québec en ce qui concerne la vie à domicile. Notre étude se concentre sur deux modes d’occupation des lieux, à travers le droit de propriété et le système locatif. Le droit au logement fait l’objet d’une reconnaissance internationale dans les textes portant sur les droits humains. Il est reconnu comme le « droit à un logement suffisant ». Au Canada et au Québec, il ne fait pas l’objet d’une reconnaissance explicite, malgré les engagements pris sur la scène internationale. Un portrait statistique, appuyé sur le critère du sexe, permet de mettre en évidence qu’il existe des écarts entre les hommes et les femmes en ce qui concerne la mise en application du droit du logement. Les femmes accèdent plus difficilement à un logement; elles y effectuent la majorité du travail domestique, de service et de « care » et elles sont les principales victimes des violences commises à domicile. Dans le système d’habitation, l’expérience des femmes se comprend comme une appropriation à la fois privée et collective par la classe des hommes, telle que réfléchie par Colette Guillaumin, qui se concentre autour de la division sexuelle du travail et des violences sexuées. Le droit du logement, dans sa forme actuelle, repose sur l’appropriation de la force de travail des femmes et de leur corps. Ces deux critères permettent de construire une grille d’analyse féministe matérialiste et radicale pour analyser la structure du droit du logement, tel que conçu en droit civil. Cette analyse féministe permet également de situer le droit étatique comme une pratique patriarcale. Cette dernière contribue à assurer le maintien du système d’habitation, qui est assimilable à un système hégémonique, au sens développé par Gramsci. Cette étude réfléchit sur le droit du logement dans le climat politique néolibéral. Le néolibéralisme est développé comme une idéologie qui impose une rationalité marchande à l’ensemble des politiques étatiques. À partir d’une méthode décrite comme métathéorique externe radicalement réflexive, puisqu’elle propose l’importation d’outils conceptuels étrangers à la discipline du droit moderne, nous réfléchissons de manière radicale la construction du droit civil et des institutions qui encadrent le droit du logement. La collecte des données s’effectue à partir de la recherche documentaire. Quatre institutions du droit civil seront examinées dans le détail, soit le sujet du droit, la dichotomie privé/public, la médiation du droit du logement par les biens immeubles, à travers le rapport contractuel et le droit de propriété, et finalement les notaires. L’analyse féministe du sujet du droit insiste sur un paradoxe. D’une part, l’universalité présumée de ce sujet, laquelle permet de poser l’égalité et la liberté pour toutes les personnes juridiques. Or, plutôt que d’être neutre sexuellement comme le prétend le droit positif, nous démontrons comment ce sujet est constamment un membre de la classe des hommes. D’autre part, nous analysons comment le droit reconnaît le sexe de ses sujets, mais surtout comment cette sexualité est construite sur l’idéologie naturaliste. Ce modèle de sujet masculin est fondamental dans la construction du droit du logement. L’étude féministe de la dichotomie privé/public en fait ressortir le caractère situé. En effet, si par essence aucun domaine ou enjeu n’est en soit privé ou public, le processus de qualification, lui, est un acte de pouvoir. Nous verrons comment le droit civil crée des zones de droit privé, comprises comme des zones de non-droit pour les femmes. La qualification de privé dévalue également le travail accompli par cette classe de sexe. Le droit du logement est pourtant centré sur le rapport contractuel et sur le droit de propriété. Il importe alors d’examiner la nature du consentement donné par les femmes comme groupe social dans les contrats de vente et de location. Ces contrats ne prennent pas en compte l’expérience des femmes dans leur formation. Les catégories qui y sont attachées, telles que vendeur.e ou locataire, représentent le point de vue de la classe des hommes. Bien que la popularité de la copropriété auprès de la classe des femmes semble porteuse d’un vent de changement, nous analysons comment le discours dominant qui l’entoure instrumentalise certaines revendications féministes, tout en laissant dans l’ombre la question du travail domestique et des violences sexuées. Finalement, nous nous intéressons aux notaires en les repensant comme des intellectuel.les organiques, tels que conçu.es par Gramsci, pour la classe des hommes. Cette fonction d’intellectuel.les permet de mettre en lumière comment chaque transaction immobilière favorise la reproduction des intérêts patriarcaux, remettant ainsi en question la nature des devoirs de conseil et d’impartialité du notariat. À la lumière de cette analyse, le Code civil du Québec est qualifié dans une perspective féministe matérialiste et radicale pour devenir un système qui institutionnalise l’appropriation des femmes par l’entremise du droit du logement. Ce travail de recherche permet d’envisager certaines pistes de réflexion pour des rénovations potentielles des pratiques juridiques entourant le droit du logement, notamment la pratique notariale, tournées vers des objectifs féministes de justice sociale.

Civil service reform : development of 1978 civil service reform proposals : transcript of a seminar held jointly by GAO and the Senate Governmental Affairs Subcommittee on Federal Services, Post Office, and Civil Service on March 31, 1988 /

"GAO/GGD-89-18."

A implementação de ações de integração na segurança pública: o caso das polícias civil e militar do Rio Grande do Norte

The research aimed to understand the challenges for the implementation of the proposed integration between the Civil Police and the Military Police in Rio Grande do Norte to the proposals of the SUSP. This study aimed to explore the gap with regard to the deepening of the possible causes that may hinder the implementation of integrated working between the police in public security, through a specific analysis on the state of Rio Grande do Norte. Was based on a theoretical framework that includes policies: general concepts, the steps of a public policy, the implementation stage , public security : conceptual definitions, policies on security in Brazil, the structure of public security in Brazil and systems police, Military Police x Civil Police: Roles and conflicts , integrating public security: the challenges to be overcome, the Unified public Safety (SUSP) and the main difficulties in the integration of the police. Being classified as to the purposes as an exploratory research on how to approach ranks as qualitative. The research unit was the Center for Integrated Operations Public Safety (CIOSP) through three subjects who were the chief CIOSP, the representative of the military police acting with the CIOSP, and representative civil police also active with the CIOSP. These subjects were chosen because of the understanding that individuals occupying senior positions would have more ability to respond to questions that guide the research problem. Data were collected through a set of interviews, qualitative data analysis was performed based content analysis, based on the definition of categories of analysis, gated time cross. With the results, it was revealed that the main problems of integration between the state police are treatment protocols, lack of political will and lack of infrastructure. The relationship between the Military Police and Civil Police in Rio Grande do Norte has differing cultural aspect, but can be considered as good value, professionalism and integrated operations. The implementation of CIOSP-RN followed the characteristics of the top-down model, the main difficulties in implementing the proposals of the SUSP, lack of own resources, the lack of standardization in public safety and the lack of professional training of public safety. It was concluded that with respect to the challenges to the implementation of the proposed integration between the Civil Police and the Military Police in Rio Grande do Norte to the proposals of the SUSP, the actions follow the characteristics of the top-down model, with no autonomy of administrators public to say in decisions, which restricts the view of the public safety of the state

Book review: Anglo-Australian relations and the 'Turn to Europe': 1961-1972

The seminal decisions made by British governments in the 1960s to withdraw from a military role east of Suez and to apply to enter the European Economic Community effectively ended the British Empire. For Australian governments and their officials these decisions caused a seismic shift in Australia’s place in the world. Andrea Benvenuti’s Anglo-Australian Relations and the ‘Turn to Europe’: 19611972 tells the story of how successive Australian governments struggled against the United Kingdom’s decisions to withdraw from its worldwide imperial role to a strategic and economic future based in Europe. Benvenuti demonstrates how the actions of Coalition governments of the 1960s varied from active and sometimes angry diplomacy to reverse the direction of British policy to passive and sullen acceptance of a new world order in which the British Empire was no more. This fine book skilfully analyses the end of empire from the official perspectives of both Canberra and London.

Les relations interethniques dans la Grande Guerre ; regards sur le mythe du soldat canadien-français opprimé

Au Québec, la mémoire de la Grande Guerre renvoie automatiquement à une vision douloureuse de l’événement. Créée et alimentée par des souvenirs à forte charge émotive tels la crise de la conscription, les émeutes de Pâques et l’inhospitalité de l’Armée canadienne envers les combattants canadiens-français, cette mémoire est non seulement négative, mais également victimisante. Dans leur récit du conflit, les Québécois ont pris pour vérité une version qui les dépeint comme boucs émissaires des Canadiens anglais. Acceptée et intégrée autant dans l’historiographie que dans la croyance collective, cette thèse du Canadien français opprimé n’a jamais été questionnée. Ce mémoire entend donc revisiter cette version en la confrontant aux sources laissées par les contemporains. En utilisant la presse anglophone et les témoignages de combattants, il lève le voile sur le regard anglo-saxon envers les Canadiens français et dans une plus large mesure, sur les relations interethniques pendant la guerre. Il témoigne de la réalité du front intérieur comme de celle du champ de bataille pour ainsi proposer une réinterprétation de cette victimisation si profondément ancrée dans le souvenir québécois.

La nature juridique du contrat de réassurance en droit civil québécois.

Le contrat de réassurance n’est pas un contrat nouveau; son existence peut être retracée jusqu’au 14e siècle. Cette opération est un élément essentiel de la pratique de l’assurance moderne. Le contrat de réassurance demeure toutefois un sujet obscur en droit civil québécois tout comme dans d’autres juridictions et la détermination de sa nature juridique demeure un sujet controversé. La qualification juridique de la nature du contrat de réassurance nécessite l’étude de ses fondements. Il est donc primordial dans le cadre de ce processus de revenir sur la notion de contrat de réassurance, son histoire, sa raison d’être, le régime normatif qui lui est applicable et les relations juridiques qui en découlent. Plusieurs thèses ont été avancées en ce qui a trait à la nature juridique du contrat de réassurance. De nos jours, on oppose essentiellement la thèse du contrat d’assurance à la thèse du contrat innommé. Le contrat de réassurance partage plusieurs éléments caractéristiques avec le contrat d’assurance. Il s’en distingue toutefois également sur plusieurs points qui nous paraissent déterminant dans le cadre du processus qualification de la nature juridique de ce contrat.

Les relations interethniques dans la Grande Guerre ; regards sur le mythe du soldat canadien-français opprimé

Au Québec, la mémoire de la Grande Guerre renvoie automatiquement à une vision douloureuse de l’événement. Créée et alimentée par des souvenirs à forte charge émotive tels la crise de la conscription, les émeutes de Pâques et l’inhospitalité de l’Armée canadienne envers les combattants canadiens-français, cette mémoire est non seulement négative, mais également victimisante. Dans leur récit du conflit, les Québécois ont pris pour vérité une version qui les dépeint comme boucs émissaires des Canadiens anglais. Acceptée et intégrée autant dans l’historiographie que dans la croyance collective, cette thèse du Canadien français opprimé n’a jamais été questionnée. Ce mémoire entend donc revisiter cette version en la confrontant aux sources laissées par les contemporains. En utilisant la presse anglophone et les témoignages de combattants, il lève le voile sur le regard anglo-saxon envers les Canadiens français et dans une plus large mesure, sur les relations interethniques pendant la guerre. Il témoigne de la réalité du front intérieur comme de celle du champ de bataille pour ainsi proposer une réinterprétation de cette victimisation si profondément ancrée dans le souvenir québécois.