880 resultados para Civic virtues


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Modern sample surveys started to spread after statistician at the U.S. Bureau of the Census in the 1940s had developed a sampling design for the Current Population Survey (CPS). A significant factor was also that digital computers became available for statisticians. In the beginning of 1950s, the theory was documented in textbooks on survey sampling. This thesis is about the development of the statistical inference for sample surveys. For the first time the idea of statistical inference was enunciated by a French scientist, P. S. Laplace. In 1781, he published a plan for a partial investigation in which he determined the sample size needed to reach the desired accuracy in estimation. The plan was based on Laplace s Principle of Inverse Probability and on his derivation of the Central Limit Theorem. They were published in a memoir in 1774 which is one of the origins of statistical inference. Laplace s inference model was based on Bernoulli trials and binominal probabilities. He assumed that populations were changing constantly. It was depicted by assuming a priori distributions for parameters. Laplace s inference model dominated statistical thinking for a century. Sample selection in Laplace s investigations was purposive. In 1894 in the International Statistical Institute meeting, Norwegian Anders Kiaer presented the idea of the Representative Method to draw samples. Its idea was that the sample would be a miniature of the population. It is still prevailing. The virtues of random sampling were known but practical problems of sample selection and data collection hindered its use. Arhtur Bowley realized the potentials of Kiaer s method and in the beginning of the 20th century carried out several surveys in the UK. He also developed the theory of statistical inference for finite populations. It was based on Laplace s inference model. R. A. Fisher contributions in the 1920 s constitute a watershed in the statistical science He revolutionized the theory of statistics. In addition, he introduced a new statistical inference model which is still the prevailing paradigm. The essential idea is to draw repeatedly samples from the same population and the assumption that population parameters are constants. Fisher s theory did not include a priori probabilities. Jerzy Neyman adopted Fisher s inference model and applied it to finite populations with the difference that Neyman s inference model does not include any assumptions of the distributions of the study variables. Applying Fisher s fiducial argument he developed the theory for confidence intervals. Neyman s last contribution to survey sampling presented a theory for double sampling. This gave the central idea for statisticians at the U.S. Census Bureau to develop the complex survey design for the CPS. Important criterion was to have a method in which the costs of data collection were acceptable, and which provided approximately equal interviewer workloads, besides sufficient accuracy in estimation.

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This dissertation is a broad study of factors affecting perceptions of CSR issues in multiple stakeholder realms, the main purpose being to determine the effects of the values of individuals on their perceptions regarding CSR. It examines perceptions of CSR both at the emic (observing individuals and stakeholders) and etic levels (conducting cross-cultural comparison) through a descriptive-empirical research strategy. The dissertation is based on quantitative interview data among Chinese, Finnish and US stakeholder groups of industry companies (with an emphasis on the forest industries) and consists of four published articles and two submitted manuscripts. Theoretically, this dissertation provides a valuable and unique philosophical and intellectual perspective on the contemporary study of CSR `The Harmony Approach to CSR'. Empirically, this dissertation does values assessment and CSR evaluation of a wide variety of business activities covering CSR reporting, business ethics, and three dimensions of CSR performance. From the multi-stakeholder perspective, this dissertation use survey methods to examine the perceptions and stakeholder salience in the context of CSR by describing, comparing the differences between demographic factors as well as hypothetical drivers behind perceptions. The results of study suggest that the CSR objective of a corporation's top management should be to manage the divergent and conflicting interests of multiple stakeholders, taking others than key stakeholders into account as well. The importance of values as a driver of ethical behaviour and decision-making has been generally recognized. This dissertation provides more empirical proof of this theory by highlighting the effects of values on CSR perceptions. It suggests that since the way to encourage responsible behaviour and develop CSR is to develop individual values and cultivate their virtues, it is time to invoke the critical role of moral (ethics) education. The specific studies of China and comparison between Finland and the US contribute to a common understanding of the emerging CSR issues, problems and opportunities for the future of sustainability. The similarities among these countries can enhance international cooperation, while the differences will open up opportunities and diversified solutions for CSR in local conditions.

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The Master’s thesis examines whether and how decolonial cosmopolitanism is empirically traceable in the attitudes and practices of Costa Rican activists working in transnational advocacy organizations. Decolonial cosmopolitanism is defined as a form of cosmopolitanism from below that aims to propose ways of imagining – and putting into practice – a truly globe-encompassing civic community not based on relations of domination but on horizontal dialogue. This concept has been developed by and shares its basic presumptions with the theory on coloniality that the modernity/coloniality/decoloniality research group is putting forward. It is analyzed whether and how the workings of coloniality as underlying ontological assumption of decolonial cosmopolitanism and broadly subsumable under the three logics of race, capitalism, and knowledge, are traceable in intermediate postcolonial transnational advocacy in Costa Rica. The method of analysis chosen to approach these questions is content analysis, which is used for the analysis of qualitative semi-structured in-depth interviews with Costa Rican activists working in advocacy organizations with transnational ties. Costa Rica was chosen as it – while unquestionably a Latin American postcolonial country and thus within the geo-political context in which the concept was developed – introduces a complex setting of socio-cultural and political factors that put the explanatory potential of the concept to the test. The research group applies the term ‘coloniality’ to describe how the social, political, economic, and epistemic relations developed during the colonization of the Americas order global relations and sustain Western domination still today through what is called the logic of coloniality. It also takes these processes as point of departure for imagining how counter-hegemonic contestations can be achieved through the linking of local struggles to a global community that is based on pluriversality. The issues that have been chosen as most relevant expressions of the logic of coloniality in the context of Costa Rican transnational advocacy and that are thus empirically scrutinized are national identity as ‘white’ exceptional nation with gender equality (racism), the neoliberalization of advocacy in the Global South (capitalism), and finally Eurocentrism, but also transnational civil society networks as first step in decolonizing civic activism (epistemic domination). The findings of this thesis show that the various ways in which activists adopt practices and outlooks stemming from the center in order to empower themselves and their constituencies, but also how their particular geo-political position affects their work, cannot be reduced to one single logic of coloniality. Nonetheless, the aspects of race, gender, capitalism and epistemic hegemony do undeniably affect activist cosmopolitan attitudes and transnational practices. While the premisses on which the concept of decolonial cosmopolitanism is based suffer from some analytical drawbacks, its importance is seen in its ability to take as point of departure the concrete spaces in which situated social relations develop. It thus allows for perceiving the increasing interconnectedness between different levels of social and political organizing as contributing to cosmopolitan visions combining local situatedness with global community as normative horizon that have not only influenced academic debate, but also political projects.

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A Breakthrough of Welfare State. The inter-relationships of the civic movement, political transformation, and eroding of a hegemony based on small scale farming in the Finnish society in the late 1950's. The unusually rapid and powerful structural change; the non-parliamentary civic movements of 1956 - 1963; and the left majority in the Finnish parliament between 1958 - 1962 all took place as the Finnish welfare state started to develop. The aim of my research is to analyse the inter-relationships of these processes. The research describes the way the former semi self-sufficient, semi-proletarian and labour-intensive form of production - a simple and discriminatory system in itself - made it possible for the majority of the population to survive through hard work. For some it even provided a possibility to prosper. The waning vitality of semi self-sufficiency and small scale agriculture triggered a political ferment and started a period of searching for something new. The process was so intense that it broke up most of the parties and tore down the old consensus that was based on the power of economic and political elite. The most crucial battle of the great transformation was waged over the nature of the state: Should we build a welfare state and construct social security systems, or should we revert to the old night watchman state and, for example, cancel the modest forms of redistribution of income carried out in the 1950's? The people joining the civic movements were either cottagers of the impoverishing countryside or, quite often, people who had come from the countryside and thus had grown up under conditions of some form of solidarity that included taking care of one's own family. The Finnish social insurance developed in the midst of a change in the structure of production of the society, and it became a compromise to satisfy the needs of both the waning society of small scale agriculture and the rising proletarian society based on wage labour. The hodgepodge of political schemes and use of power became a battle between different notions of the economy and the state; the distribution of national income; and the position of Finland in the international context. This battle created a shape of an interregnum - a period of transformation including two notions of society, two alternative paths for the future and the logic of a correctional move. The transformation of Finland from a poor developing country into a prosperous society has been praised as a success story. In 1956 - 1959, when the old form of governance based on the interests of small scale agriculture and wood processing industry was in decay, and when the future seemed uncertain, the projects to reduce social benefits and efforts to distribute national income even more unequally than before led to a powerful counter-movement by citizens and started an hegemonic change and a equal socia development.

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The thesis aims at analyzing concept of citizenship in political philosophy. The concept of citizenship is a complex one: it does not have a definitive explication, but it nevertheless is a very important category in contemporary world. Citizenship is a powerful ideal, and often the way a person is treated depends on whether he or she has the status of a citizen. Citizenship includes protection of a person’s rights both at home and abroad. It entails legal, political and social dimension: the legal status as a full member of society, the recognition of that status by fellow citizens and acting as a member of society. The thesis discusses these three dimensions. Its objective is to show how all of them, despite being insufficient in some aspects, reach something important about the concept. The main sources of the thesis are Civic Republicanism by Iseult Honohan (Routledge 2002), Republicanism by Philip Pettit (Clarendon Press 1997), and Taking Rights Seriously by Ronald Dworkin (1997). In addition, the historical part of the thesis relies mainly on the works of Aristotle, Immanuel Kant, Adam Smith, Quentin Skinner, James Pocock and James Tully. The writings of Will Kymlicka, John Rawls, Chantal Mouffe, and Shane Phelan are referred to in the presentation and critique of the liberal tradition of thought. Hannah Arendt and Seyla Benhabib’s analysis of Arendt’s philosophy both address the problematic relations between human rights and nation-states as the main guarantors of rights. The chapter on group rights relies on Peter Jones’ account of corporate and collective rights, after which I continue to Seumas Miller’s essay on the (liberal) account of group rights and their relation to the concept of citizenship. Republicanism and Political Theory (2002) edited by Cécile Laborde and John Maynor is also references. David Miller and Maurizio Viroli represent the more “rooted” version of republicanism. The thesis argues that the full concept of citizenship should be seen as containing legal, political and social dimensions. The concept can be viewed from all of these three angles. The first means that citizenship is connected with certain rights, like the right to vote or stand for election, the right to property and so on. In most societies, the law guarantees these rights to every citizen. Then there is also the social dimension, which can be said to be as important as the legal one: the recognition of equality and identities of others. Finally, there is the political dimension, meaning the importance of citizens’ participation in the society, which is discussed in connection with the contemporary account of republicanism. All these issues are discussed from the point of view of groups demanding for group-specific rights and equal recognition. The challenge with these three aspects of citizenship is, however, that they are difficult to discuss under one heading. Different theories or discourses of citizenship each approach the subject from different starting points, which make reconciling them sometimes hard. The fundamental questions theories try to answer may differ radically depending on the theory. Nevertheless, in order to get the whole image of what the citizenship discourses are about all the aspects deserve to be taken into account.

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The critical micelle concentration (CMC) of several surfactants that contain an NLO chromophore, either at the hydrocarbon tail, or at the hydrophilic headgroup, or even as a counterion, was determined by hyper-Rayleigh scattering (HRS). In all cases, the HRS signal exhibited a similar variation with surfactant concentration, wherein the CMC is inferred from a rather unprecedented drop in the signal intensity. This drop is attributed to the formation of small pre-micellar aggregates, whose concentrations become negligible above CMC. In addition, a probe molecule, which upon protonation yielded a species with significantly enhanced HRS intensity, was developed and its utility for the determination of the CIVIC of simple fatty acids was demonstrated.

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Resumen: La pregunta que guía este trabajo está referida a la posibilidad de extraer algunas perspectivas epistemológicas de la producción de un espacio memorial. Su tema está relacionado con los modos de reelaboración del trauma social. El tiempo histórico al que se refiere es el de la última dictadura cívico-militar (marzo 1976-diciembre 1983). El recorrido de este aporte tiene tres partes. En la primera, se consideran las nociones de cuerpo y narración; la segunda presenta esbozos de respuestas a la pregunta planteada y la tercera, está referida brevemente a dos mujeres europeas y cristianas: Alice Domon (Francia, 1937- Argentina, 1977) y Elisabeth Käsemann (Alemania, 1947- Argentina 1977). Ambas vivieron en América Latina y pueden ser consideradas verdaderos espacios humanitarios de paz.

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Los estudios sobre seguridad en Colombia han incorporado en sus análisis las implicaciones políticas que la seguridad tiene para la consolidación de la democracia, la ciudadanía, la memoria, la verdad o los Derechos Humanos. Por esta razón, este artículo analiza la primera política estatal sobre seguridad que se implementó entre 1978 a 1982, conocida como el Estatuto de Seguridad y los efectos que tuvo en la institucionalización de la protección y defensa de los Derechos Humanos. El texto esta dividido en tres partes: La primera parte, analiza la instrumentalización del Estatuto a través de las relaciones cívico-militares, la ideologización y la ocupación y administración de las instituciones; la segunda parte, los alcances del Estatuto respecto a las violaciones de los derechos fundamentales y de los procedimientos legales, así como un intento por ver este fenómeno a través de la dinámica campo-ciudad. La última parte, explica el desmantelamiento del Estatuto en las postrimerías del gobierno en 1982.

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La Corte madrileña de los Austrias, al igual que el resto de las monarquías europeas del siglo XVII, generó una variada gama de fiestas públicas y privadas, como por ejemplo teatro musical, mascaradas y procesiones callejeras en las que desfilaban carros alegóricos con danzantes y músicos. Estos espectáculos no eran un mero entretenimiento sino que estaban destinados a resaltar las virtudes del monarca y a hacer conscientes a los espectadores del lugar que les cabía ocupar en esa sociedad recurriendo para ello a un complejo discurso simbólico. Las Cortes virreinales de América trasladaron a sus territorios estas prácticas que valían, fundamentalmente, para hacer presente la figura del rey y mantener viva la lealtad a la corona. Analizamos dos ejemplos de fiesta, una mascarada celebrada en Pausa (Perú) y un intermedio dramáticomusical en Sucre, que nos revelan la forma de pensamiento, las conductas y la organización de la sociedad cortesana virreinal.

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Abstract: The late antique destruction of two bronze statues of Pausanias - the Spartan general responsible for the Greek victory at the Battle of Plataea (479 BC) - housed in the temple of Athena Chalkioikos in Sparta (Lib. Ep. 1518), has been interpreted as one of the few cases of a violent conflict between pagan and Christian population in Greece. Nevertheless the sources suggest that late antique Sparta was a bastion of Hellenic paganism and give a picture of a small and quiet town ruled by a pagan educated élite, where pagans like Libanius wanted to live. Since there is no evidence of a violent conflict between pagans and Christians in Sparta, and Libanius confirms that in 365 AD all the temples and cult statues were still in place, this paper addresses the issue from a different point of view and offers a new contribution to the history of Sparta in Late Antiquity. By using literary, archaeological and epigraphic evidence the paper explores: 1) the relationship between Roman administration and Spartan élite in the IVth century AD; 2) the historical memory of Pausanias in Late Antiquity. It will be emphasized that the obscure burning of the two statues helped to remove from Sparta the memory of Pausanias - a controversial figure, misrepresented in Late Antiquity and connected to the ancient staseis in Laconia - in order to promote a positive image of Sparta as a city without conflicts and ruled by the political system of Lycurgus (eunomia). As documented by local inscriptions in praise of late Roman governors, the mythical lawgiver Lycurgus was the paradigm of the imperial governors who rebuilded the town in the IVth cent. AD. It can be assumed that while Rome, Constantinople, Antioch and Athens were troubled by political and religious violence or by seditions between different factions, Sparta aimed to revive its traditional model of civic order in the new historical context of Late Antiquity.

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Resumen: Durante los últimos años se ha podido notar de parte de los especialistas del pensamiento de Santo Tomás un interés creciente en sus comentarios bíblicos. Este ensayo se inscribe en este movimiento. El autor intenta llamar la atención a la teología del Espíritu Santo tal como esta se presenta no solo en la Suma de Teología sino también en otros escritos del Doctor Común. Después de presentar un resumen de las cuestiones 27 - 36, 37 y 38 de la primera parte de la ST, muestra la sorprendente riqueza de los tratados sobre el Espíritu Santo en la Suma contra los Gentiles, IV. cc. 15 a 26. El rol central e importantísimo del Espíritu Santo en la vida de la Iglesia es estudiado en un análisis del comentario de Tomás a las Cartas de san Pablo, en particular a la Carta a los Romanos y del Evangelio según San Juan. Para subrayar la dignidad de la devoción al Espíritu Santo, el autor ha añadido una sección sobre los Dones del Espíritu Santo, en particular en su relación con las virtudes teologales y morales, y con los Carismas. Unas páginas sobre la Ley Nueva como la gracia del Espíritu Santo concluyen este estudio.

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Abstract: In the context of Late Antiquity, we observe the ideals of Royalty of two authors who shared the political events between the governments of Constantius II to Theodosius (337-395 AD), namely: the philosopher Themistius (317-388 AD) with his political speeches; and the military Ammianus Marcellinus (325 / 330-395 AD) with his work Res Gestae. During our study, we will seek to observe the characteristics of each author, and converge their life experiences to meet the convergent and divergent points of its concepts around the Imperial responsibilities. In the meantime, we emphasize the interactions between Romans and barbarians, very noticeable at that time; and how this process of interaction of cultures has influenced the thinking of the late-ancient writers studied here. Observing how a philosopher and a military developed such ideals in relation to the ruler: Valentinian I (364-375 AD), for that we made a more specific analysis of VI Speech of Themistius - the Brotherly Love or About humanity - and the XVI - XXX Books of Ammianus Marcellinus. Thus, in a time of great cultural socio-political effervescence, two non-Christian writers have written their work, in order to re-member your audience the importance of the virtues and both based on examples from the classical tradition.

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Resumen: Un tema que ha sido poco tratado, muy probablemente opacado por la importancia y celeridad del proceso relacionado con el nacimiento de la Unión Cívica Radical, es el de la rápida expansión del movimiento cívico y todo lo relativo a la organización, tanto a nivel provincial y nacional de los comités partidarios. El presente trabajo tiene entonces la intención de estudiar, dentro de la escasa información existente al respecto, cómo se produjo dicha organización y la posterior reorganización de los diversos centros políticos luego de la ruptura, en junio de 1891, de la Unión Cívica.

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Resumen: A fines de los ’60, se comenzó a vislumbrar un cambio con respecto al modelo de salud de la época (Prada, 2005), que profundizaba en los aspectos saludables del ser humano, en las fortalezas, en sus virtudes y cómo estos aspectos repercuten en las personas y en sociedades en las que viven (Cuadra & Florenzano, 2003). Considerando la importancia del bienestar en cuanto a la valoración del funcionamiento positivo y el desarrollo de las personas, se realizó un estudio empírico para evaluar y comparar los niveles de Bienestar Psicológico (Ryff, 1989) y Bienestar Social (Keyes, 1998) en estudiantes universitarios. Según los resultados obtenidos, los jóvenes presentan niveles altos de bienestar psicológico y social, aunque existen diferencias en relación a variables sociodemográficas.

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Este trabajo intenta presentar una respuesta desde el Personalismo ontológico a la Bioética principista, fundándose en una ética de las virtudes que apela a la clásica noción de virtud moral como hábito operativo bueno que hace buena la obra y bueno al que obra. Se analizan así, antropológica y éticamente, las virtudes de la prudencia, de la justicia, de la fortaleza y de la templanza, mostrando la aplicación de cada una de ellas al campo bioético.