Risk and resilience factors associated with delinquent behavior among African American adolescent males

Juvenile crime is a social problem of increasing concern to many citizens in the United States. In 2000, there were an estimated 2.4 million juvenile arrests for a variety of crimes ranging from misdemeanors to violent felony offenses. African American males are disproportionately represented among juvenile offenders in the United States. In 2000, black youth were approximately 16% of the U.S. population between the ages of 10-17; however, they accounted for 42% of juvenile arrests for violent crime. This study explored putative factors associated with juvenile offending among a sample of African American adolescent males. The independent variables in this study were academic achievement, religiosity, parenting styles and discrimination. The dependent variables were delinquent behavior and arrest. The data used in this study were from a larger NIDA funded longitudinal study that included approximately 425 African American youths. The data collection method involved structured interviews and questionnaires. The participants for the original study were selected via random sampling from all students attending middle school in Miami-Dade County. The study examined the hypotheses that African American males retrospectively reporting (a) high academic achievement, (b) high religiosity, (c) authoritarian parenting and (d) low perceptions of discrimination are less likely to be involved in delinquent behavior and are also less likely to be arrested. Results indicated that among African American adolescent males, delinquent behavior had a significant relationship (p The findings indicated that experimental studies are needed to clarify cause and effect relationship among the variables associated with juvenile offending among African American males, which may differ from those associated with juvenile offending among other groups.

A constituição desmilitarizada: democratização e reforma do sistema constitucional de segurança pública

The normative construction of the public security system in the Constituent Assembly of 1987-1988 preserved paradoxical normative space, the military police linked to the Army with a restrictive legal statute of the police offices citizenship through a hierarchical and disciplinary model that is anachronistic. This research originates from the following problem: How is it possible to tailor the constitutional system of public safety, specifically the Military Police, according to the democratic paradigms constructed by the Constituent from 1988 and carry the right to public safety under these molds? The militarists limitations of the Constitution allowed the growing militarization of police departments, organizational culture and authoritarian institutional practices. Underlying this, the problems related to difficulties in realization of Right to Public Safety, the strikes of the military police, the incomplete policy cycle started demanding from the constitutional-legal system appropriate responses. Utilizing the dialogical method and an interdisciplinary approach to the subject, and theoretically grounded in overcoming of the constitutional normativist juspositivism.It was found that the constructed infraconstitutional legislation was insufficient to supply the systemic shortcomings of constitutional law, when looking to create a single system of public security without giving due scope to the federal principle and expand the autonomy the Federated States, and even grant democratic legal status to the military police. Formal legal limits imposed by the Constitution constructed a legal anachronism, the military police. Thus, a democratic reading of military police institutions becomes inconceivable its existence in the constitutional regulatory environment. Thus, reform the Constitution in order to demilitarize the police and conduct a normative redesign of the public security system is fundamental to Brazilian constitutional democracy

A OAB no processo de transformação da sociedade brasileira: a seccional potiguar como espaço de redemocratização (1979-1988)

The period known as the Military Dictatorship (1964-1985) was a period of history marked by Brazil's control of state power by the Armed Forces together, this started with the Civil-Military Coup of April 1964. Was characterized as a time where political freedoms of expression and were placed in check by authoritarian and repressive measures taken by the military governments. The sectional potiguar of the Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil (OAB / RN), and the Federal Council of the institution, supported the establishment of this scam, but from the 1970s undertook measures that sought to corroborate the struggles around democracy the country, which has consolidated its image as a defender of democratic order. With the title inspired by the XII Meeting of OAB in October 1988, the research aims to analyze the participation of OAB / RN and its members within the Brazilian democratization. This analysis begins in 1979 with the participation of the entity in discussions Amnesty Policy to the promulgation of the 1988 Constitution, since the Constitution is the beginning of a full rule of law. We seek to understand the object as a space for democratization, combining the concepts of History, Memory and Politics. In the analyzes are guided theoretically by Jacques Le Goff, Pierre Nora, Maurice Halbwachs, Pierre Bourdieu and Hannah Arendt. Be rebuilt the period of democratic rule in the land potiguares birthing shares of OAB / RN, particularly in the following events: Amnesty Policy 1979, the mobilizations around the campaign of "Direct Now" and the 1988 Constitution We make use of legislation. minutes, papers and interviews built on Oral History.

A ação da bancada evangélica na Câmara Municipal de Natal/RN: 2005-2008

The Evangelical Church is an institution that presents itself as a group that aims to be a mediator between society, the state and the country itself. However political practice within the churches have been somewhat taken authoritarian, manipulative, intolerant and realize this reality in the analysis of this work. While understanding that the Church as an institution has formed an opinion about what is right and wrong in their communities as a social institution can be seen in contemporary society growing religious occupation of the public sphere and in all segments of Brazilian society the presence of evangelicals. One of the challenges is the discussion of the practices of Christ when the ownership of the mandate legitimized by the vote happens, what real action is the "Christ policy"? What social contributions to retrieve people, places and cities? What is the competence to work towards promoting the other gains in health, employment, security, education? The purpose of this dissertation is to contribute to the questioning of the current logic and prevailing construction of Christian ideals in politics. Develop an investigation by reference to the absence of a study on the activity of the evangelical councilors Christmas during the period 2004 -2008, order to be able assign a value judgment based on information of projects that every evangelical councilor exercised during the 15th Legislature, occasion that the City Council received the highest representation of evangelical councilors in its history.

A Decentralized Iron Cage: Do Chinese Local Officials Comply with the Central Government?

This paper contributes to the literature in nancial aid and authoritarian institutions.

For a long time, scholars are debating whether nancial aid is able to facilitate

development and governance. Though abundant evidence is provided, the answer is

still inconclusive. On the other hand, scholars investigating China argue that the

leadership uses various institutions to ensure local ocials' compliance. In this paper,

we nd that the nancial aid does not bring a positive impact and the central

government in China does not have enough monitoring capacity to force local o-

cials to comply. We study a redevelopment program established by Chinese central

government after the 2008 Wenchuan earthquake. By adopting a geographic regression

discontinuity combining with a dierence-in-dierences design, we show that

the redevelopment program does not signicantly develop the disaster area. On the

contrary, the evidence implies that the economy in the disaster area is worse after

receiving the aid. The results imply that local ocials do not follow the central government's

regulations and misuse the aid money for other purposes. In the future, we

expect to further investigate through which mechanism do local ocials undermine

the existing institutions.

iii

Autoritarismes étatiques et régulation religieuse du politique en République démocratique du Congo : analyse discursive de la parole épiscopale catholique sur les élections (1990-2015)

Centrée essentiellement autour de la parole épiscopale congolaise, la présente recherche porte sur les articulations de la religion et du politique dans une perspective limitée au catholicisme en RDC. En prenant pour base empirique la ville de Kinshasa, elle thématise les effets des dynamiques religieuses sur les fermentations sociales et les changements politiques dans un contexte d’autoritarisme. Celui-ci est, dans ce travail, problématisé comme le fait conjoint de l’institution étatique et de l’organisation religieuse catholique. Le choix de cette approche relationnelle basée sur les interactions entre religion et politique, permet d’inscrire ce travail dans le champ d’études des sciences des religions. L’approche retenue s’appuie également sur les avancées de la sociologie politique et éclaire la régulation religieuse du politique, rarement étudiée par les sciences humaines. Cette recherche s’inscrit donc à l’intersection entre l’histoire, la sociologie, les sciences politiques, l’anthropologie, l’analyse du discours, la philosophie et la théologie. Sa thèse centrale est organisée autour d’une question principale : comment la religion participe-t-elle à la régulation du politique dans le contexte d’autoritarisme caractéristique de la RDC ? La réponse à cette question croise l’approche fonctionnelle de la religion et l’analyse des déclarations institutionnelles de l’épiscopat congolais. Elle esquisse les relations entre, d’une part, contextes et événements sociopolitiques et d’autre part, discours et pratiques religieuses. Elle construit la scène religieuse à partir de la trajectoire sociopolitique, économique et culturelle de la RDC entre 1990 et 2015, sous les Présidents J.-D. Mobutu, L.-D. Kabila et J. Kabila. Elle étudie l'offre normative de sens de leurs éminences J.-A. Malula, F. Etsou et L. Monsengwo. L’analyse de la rhétorique de l’épiscopat sur les élections vérifie la plausibilité sociale et l’efficience politique de la parole épiscopale congolaise. Elle se ressource dans la pragmatique de la communication telle que mise en œuvre dans l’analyse argumentative du discours de R. Amossy et dans celle du discours politique de P. Charaudeau. En mettant la focale sur l’objet linguistique « vérité des urnes », la recherche pose au niveau normatif, juridique et éthique, le problème de l’institutionnalisation d’un État de droit en RDC. Les élaborations sur ce dernier niveau s’articulent autour de l’inscription de l’éthique dans l’agir politique. L’examen des modes conventionnels d’action des chrétiens (élections de 2006 et 2011) et non conventionnels (marche des chrétiens de 1992 et 2012) conduit à éclairer les modes de reproduction ou de contestation de l’autoritarisme étatique par l’organisation religieuse. Il permet de promouvoir une démocratie des valeurs et d’action adossée à la parrhêsia. L’introduction de l’aléthique dans la vie publique donne à voir la parole épiscopale congolaise comme un discours ethopoïétique. C’est sur ce point précis que les élaborations de M. Foucault sur la parrhêsia aident à thématiser la capacité de la religion à informer et à influencer la démocratisation de la RDC. De là, la requête formulée pour un nouveau système d’action institutionnelle de l’organisation religieuse, susceptible de promouvoir le courage de la vérité en situation autoritaire. Cette innovation permet de tenir ensemble les valeurs démocratiques et les valeurs de l’Évangile, en les corrélant à la cohérence axiologique, à la probité morale et à l’intégrité existentielle des protagonistes de la démocratisation de la RDC.

Pedagogía y política. La campaña de alfabetización CREAR en la historia reciente de la educación de adultos en la Argentina de los '70

La tesis que presentamos es el resultado de un trabajo de investigación sobre la campaña de alfabetización CREAR realizada entre 1973 y 1975. La Campaña de Reactivación de la Educación del Adulto para la Reconstrucción, estuvo dirigida por la Dirección Nacional de Educación de Adultos (DINEA) en la etapa de la recuperación democrática luego de dieciocho años de gobiernos autoritarios combinados con la proscripción de la fuerza política mayoritaria. Apoyada en el registro testimonial de quienes fueron sus inspiradores, conductores, coordinadores, alfabetizadores, la investigación se propone analizar la articulación entre pedagogía y política durante la realización de la campaña. Los testimonios rescatados en la presente investigación, representan figuras destacadas de la campaña de alfabetización en su doble dimensión de pedagogos y militantes políticos. En esta dirección, la presente tesis se propone recuperar los principales debates y discusiones que se generaron en torno a su desarrollo a partir de quienes fueron sus testigos. ¿Qué sueños proyectaban en la alfabetización? ¿Qué formas de imbricación entre lo político y lo pedagógico se produjo en su desarrollo? ¿Cómo se plasmó dicha articulación? ¿Sobre qué ejes vertebraron su discurso? Entre la pedagogía de la liberación y la doctrina del peronismo ¿qué lectura predominó? El desarrollo de este trabajo de investigación se propone invitar a recorrer este camino cargado de tensiones y contradicciones que, esperamos, se convierta en una contribución al campo de la historia de la educación reciente de la Argentina

Pedagogía y política. La campaña de alfabetización CREAR en la historia reciente de la educación de adultos en la Argentina de los '70

La tesis que presentamos es el resultado de un trabajo de investigación sobre la campaña de alfabetización CREAR realizada entre 1973 y 1975. La Campaña de Reactivación de la Educación del Adulto para la Reconstrucción, estuvo dirigida por la Dirección Nacional de Educación de Adultos (DINEA) en la etapa de la recuperación democrática luego de dieciocho años de gobiernos autoritarios combinados con la proscripción de la fuerza política mayoritaria. Apoyada en el registro testimonial de quienes fueron sus inspiradores, conductores, coordinadores, alfabetizadores, la investigación se propone analizar la articulación entre pedagogía y política durante la realización de la campaña. Los testimonios rescatados en la presente investigación, representan figuras destacadas de la campaña de alfabetización en su doble dimensión de pedagogos y militantes políticos. En esta dirección, la presente tesis se propone recuperar los principales debates y discusiones que se generaron en torno a su desarrollo a partir de quienes fueron sus testigos. ¿Qué sueños proyectaban en la alfabetización? ¿Qué formas de imbricación entre lo político y lo pedagógico se produjo en su desarrollo? ¿Cómo se plasmó dicha articulación? ¿Sobre qué ejes vertebraron su discurso? Entre la pedagogía de la liberación y la doctrina del peronismo ¿qué lectura predominó? El desarrollo de este trabajo de investigación se propone invitar a recorrer este camino cargado de tensiones y contradicciones que, esperamos, se convierta en una contribución al campo de la historia de la educación reciente de la Argentina

Pedagogía y política. La campaña de alfabetización CREAR en la historia reciente de la educación de adultos en la Argentina de los '70

La tesis que presentamos es el resultado de un trabajo de investigación sobre la campaña de alfabetización CREAR realizada entre 1973 y 1975. La Campaña de Reactivación de la Educación del Adulto para la Reconstrucción, estuvo dirigida por la Dirección Nacional de Educación de Adultos (DINEA) en la etapa de la recuperación democrática luego de dieciocho años de gobiernos autoritarios combinados con la proscripción de la fuerza política mayoritaria. Apoyada en el registro testimonial de quienes fueron sus inspiradores, conductores, coordinadores, alfabetizadores, la investigación se propone analizar la articulación entre pedagogía y política durante la realización de la campaña. Los testimonios rescatados en la presente investigación, representan figuras destacadas de la campaña de alfabetización en su doble dimensión de pedagogos y militantes políticos. En esta dirección, la presente tesis se propone recuperar los principales debates y discusiones que se generaron en torno a su desarrollo a partir de quienes fueron sus testigos. ¿Qué sueños proyectaban en la alfabetización? ¿Qué formas de imbricación entre lo político y lo pedagógico se produjo en su desarrollo? ¿Cómo se plasmó dicha articulación? ¿Sobre qué ejes vertebraron su discurso? Entre la pedagogía de la liberación y la doctrina del peronismo ¿qué lectura predominó? El desarrollo de este trabajo de investigación se propone invitar a recorrer este camino cargado de tensiones y contradicciones que, esperamos, se convierta en una contribución al campo de la historia de la educación reciente de la Argentina

From Underground to Elite: Egyptian Bloggers before and after the 2011 Uprising

This research looks at how the shift in the status of Egyptian bloggers from underground dissident voices to mainstream political and media players affected the plurality they add to the public space for discourse in Egypt’s authoritarian settings. The role of the internet – and more recently social media and bloggers – in democratic transition has been studied by various media scholars since the introduction of the worldwide web and especially after the Egyptian and Tunisian uprisings of 2011. But no work has been done to study how bringing those once-underground bloggers into the public and media spotlight affected the nature of the blogosphere and the bloggers themselves. Star bloggers were not only covered by the media after January 25th, 2011, they also started joining the media as column writers; a move that had various effects on them and the blogosphere but was never examined in media studies. The plurality the blogosphere adds to the Egyptian public space for discourse in light of those changes as well as in light of the financial and practical sustainability of blogging was hence never looked at in a context similar to Egypt’s. Guided by modified theories of the public sphere and theories of hegemony and manufacturing consent, I look at whether bloggers have been co-opted into the historical bloc in the process of renewing the social order and how this affects them and the online sphere. Also, guided by theories of power and media elites, I look at bloggers’ backgrounds to assess whether they come from power elites and are transforming into media elites, thus limiting the plurality of the online sphere. Finally, guided by theoretical works on institutionalizing and commercializing the internet, I look at how those shifts into mainstream affect the independence and freedom of the blogs and microblogs. The research uses a comparative study to assess how those changes affect prominent versus less prominent bloggers and compare their backgrounds. The study uses quantitative content analysis and framing analysis of chosen media outlets and interviews with bloggers, marketeers and media professionals. The findings trace an increase in media coverage of bloggers post January 25th, 2011, especially in the prominent bloggers category, and an overall positive framing of bloggers post the uprising. This led to the mainstreaming of bloggers into the media as well as public work, which had various implications on the freedom they had over their content and voice, both online and offline. It also points to a dramatic decrease in bloggers’ activity on their blogs in favour of mainstream and social media and due to star bloggers becoming more career-oriented and their failure to make blogs financially sustainable. The findings also indicate that more prominent bloggers seem to come from more elite backgrounds than others and enjoy luxuries that allow them the time, technology and security to post online. This research concludes that the shifts in bloggers’ status post-January 25th have limited the plurality they add to the discourse in Egypt.

Decentralization and Governance for Sustainable Society in Indonesia

Indonesia, over the past two decades, has embarked on a process of decentralization as part of a broader process of democratization, which followed earlier periods of centralized governance and authoritarian rule across the archipelago. The purpose of this book is to explore the connections between governance and sustainable society in a wide variety of policy fields in Indonesia,Indonesia and how reforming governance structures may contribute to societal benefits and the creation of a long-term sustainable society. The structures created may be characterized as a variable form of multi-governance, with varying types of relationships between the central government and newly empowered local governments.

Household "ethnoscapes" and rite of passage: meaning and chronicity of the diagnosis in schizophrenia

Based on the results of an ethnographic study with people diagnosed with schizophrenia and their relatives in Barcelona and Tarragona along one year, I problematize the transformation of roles and relationships inside the household from the first burst and the assignation of a diagnosis as rite of passage. I appeal to a cultural interpretation of family, understanding the family group as a specific ethnoscape. I analyze the chronicity meaning, and its consequences in the conformation of the “role of sick person” in the context of parental relationships. I also discuss the paradoxes in terms of autonomy for the affected persons because of the projection of cultural connotation of chronicity.

Modelos de modernización para el desarrollismo: el influjo de las propuestas estadounidenses en el Servicio de Extensión Agraria (1955-1975)

Con este trabajo nos proponemos estudiar las políticas agrarias del franquismo y particularmente la creación y actuación del Servicio de Extensión Agraria (1955) en el contexto de la difusión de la Teoría de la Modernización. Comenzaremos con una contextualización de las relaciones culturales entre España y los EE.UU. y su potencial proyección sobre el ámbito rural. A continuación, prestaremos atención a la impronta del modelo extensionista norteamericano en la organización y metodología del Servicio de Extensión Agraria. Sin perder de vista la importancia de la escala estatal para la implementación y adaptación de las distintas políticas agrarias, atenderemos al contexto político e ideológico internacional como elemento que permite ampliar la comprensión y estudio de dichas políticas. En ese sentido, propondremos finalmente una primera aproximación comparativa al estudio del SEA en relación con diferentes experiencias de extensionismo agrario en Latinoamérica.

Digitizing dissent: cyborg politics and fluid networks in contemporary Cuban activism

Communication technologies shape how political activist networks are produced and maintain themselves. In Cuba, despite ideologically and physically oppressive practices by the state, a severe lack of Internet access, and extensive government surveillance, a small network of bloggers and cyberactivists has achieved international visibility and recognition for its critiques of the Cuban government. This qualitative study examines the blogger collective known as Voces Cubanas in Havana, Cuba in 2012, advancing a new approach to the study of transnational activism and the role of technology in the construction of political narrative. Voces Cubanas is analyzed as a network of connections between human and non-human actors that produces and sustains powerful political alliances. Voces Cubanas and its allies work collectively to co-produce contentious political discourses, confronting the dominant ideologies and knowledges produced by the Cuban state. Transnational alliances, the act of translation, and a host of unexpected and improvised technologies play central roles in the production of these narratives, indicating new breed of cyborg sociopolitical action reliant upon fluid and flexible networks and the act of writing. 

Estilos Educativos Parentais (EMBU-A), Sintomatologia Depressiva/Ansiosa, Stress e Autoestima, numa Amostra de Adolescentes

Introdução. Os estilos educativos parentais enquanto clima educativo geral apresentam um forte impacto em diferentes resultados desenvolvimentais (e.g., sintomatologia depressiva/ansiosa e auto estima) da criança/jovem. Podem ser estudados de um ponto de vista dimensional, considerando, por exemplo, as dimensões Controlo/Sobreproteção e Suporte, ou categorial, seguindo, por exemplo, a abordagem de Baumrind, e Maccoby e Martin. Neste estudo pretendemos: verificar se existem diferenças por género e idade, nas dimensões Suporte Emocional, Sobreproteção e Rejeição (EMBU-A) (cada progenitor separadamente), na sintomatologia depressiva/ansiosa e na auto estima; avaliar se existem diferenças nas dimensões do EMBU-A, entre progenitores, na amostra total e por género; explorar associações entre as variáveis centrais do estudo (estilos educativos, sintomatologias e auto estima) e variáveis sociodemográficas, também nas três amostras; explorar diferenças entre quatro grupos criados (Pai-Filho, Pai-Filha; Mãe-Filho e Mãe-Filha) nas dimensões do EMBU-A; combinando a Sobreproteção e o Suporte Emocional (EMBU-A), e definindo os estilos educativos parentais autoritário, autoritativo, permissivo e negligente, calcular a prevalência dos mesmos na nossa amostra (por Pai e por Mãe) e explorar as suas associações com as sintomatologias e com a auto estima (separadamente, por progenitor). Metodologia. A nossa amostra é constituída por 284 adolescentes (idade média = 14,5; DP = 1,68; raparigas, n = 171, 60,2%). Todos preencheram um protocolo composto por um questionário sociodemográfico, pela Rosenberg Self- Esteem Scale (RSES), pelo DASS-21 e pelo Parental Rearing Style Questionnaire for use with Adolescents (EMBU-A/A). Resultados. De salientar o facto de os adolescentes percecionarem a mãe como apresentando valores mais elevados em todas as dimensões do EMBU-A, por comparação com o pai. Da mesma forma, ainda que com diferentes padrões de associação conforme o género, é de salientar a associação entre níveis maiores de Suporte emocional e níveis mais baixos de sintomatologia depressiva/ansiosa e stress, e a associação entre as dimensões Sobreproteção e Rejeição e níveis superiores desses resultados. Uma mais baixa escolaridade do pai associa-se a menor Suporte emocional e uma maior escolaridade da mãe a maior Sobreproteção. Uma díade constituída por progenitor e adolescente do género masculino apresenta resultados inferiores em todas as dimensões do EMBU-A, por comparação com díades formadas por mãe-filho/filha. O estilo Autoritativo é o mais prevalente na nossa amostra (em ambos os progenitores) e o estilo Autoritário é aquele que se associa a pontuações mais elevadas de psicopatologia e a uma menor auto estima. Discussão. De uma forma, genérica os resultados seguem de perto a literatura e revelam a associação entre valores mais elevados na dimensão Suporte emocional e níveis mais baixos de psicopatologia e stress, e a associação entre as dimensões Sobreproteção e Rejeição e níveis superiores desses resultados. Igualmente, o estilo educativo Autoritário está claramente associado a piores resultados nessas mesmas variáveis. São discutidas algumas implicações, no que toca a programas psicoeducativos/educação parental. / Introduction. As a general educational environment, parental rearing styles have a strong impact in different outcomes of development of the child or teenager (e.g. symptoms of depression/ anxiety and self-esteem). These can be studied from a dimensional point of view considering for example the dimensions Control/Overprotection and Support or from a categorical point of view following for example the approach of Baumrind and Maccoby and Martin. This study aims at checking whether there are differences of gender and age in the dimensions of Emotional Support, Overprotection and Rejection (EMBU-A) (each parent separately) in depressive symptoms/anxiety and self esteem; assessing whether there are differences in the dimensions of the EMBU-A, between parents in the total sample and by gender; exploring associations between the study’s main variables (rearing styles, symptomatology and self esteem) and sociodemographic variables, also in the three samples; exploring differences between the four groups created (Father-Son, Father-Daughter, Mother-Son and Mother-Daughter) in the dimensions of the EMBU-A, combining Overprotection and Emotional Support(EMBU-A) and defining the authoritarian, authoritative, indulgent, and neglectful parental rearing styles. The aim is also to estimate the prevalence of these in our sample (by Father and Mother) and explore their associations to the symptomatology and self esteem (separately, per parent). Methodology. Our sample is composed of 284 teenagers (average age = 14,5; DP = 1,68; girls, n = 171, 60,2%). All participants filled in a protocol of questionnaires consisting of a set of socio demographic questions by Rosenberg Self- Esteem Scale (RSES), by DASS-21 and by Parental Rearing Style Questionnaire for use with Adolescents (EMBU-A/A). Outcomes. It is important to emphasize the fact that teenagers perceive their mother as having higher values in all the EMBU-A dimensions compared to their father. In the same way, though with different patterns of association according to gender, it is important to emphasize the association of higher levels of Emotional Support and lower levels of depressive/anxious symptomathology and stress and the association of Overprotection and Rejection and higher levels of those outcomes. A father’s lower level of education is associated to a lower Emotional Support while a mother’s higher level of education is associated to a greater Overprotection. A dyad composed of male parent and male teenager presents lower outcomes in all EMBU-A dimensions if compared to dyads composed of mother-son/daughter. The authoritative style is the most prevalent in our sample (in both parents) and the authoritarian style is the one associated to higher scores of psychopathology and lower levels of self esteem. Debate. In general, the outcomes closely follow the literature review and reveal the association of higher values in the Emotional Support dimension and lower levels of psychopathology and stress and also the association of the dimensions of Overprotection and Rejection and higher levels of those outcomes. Equally, the authoritarian rearing style is clearly associated to the worst outcomes in those same variables. Some implications are discussed as far as psychoeducational programmes and parental rearing are concerned.