579 resultados para Asilo - Asylum


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Debido a la agudización del conflicto colombiano, a partir del año 1999 se evidenció una mayor movilización de personas que huían de la violencia desde Colombia hacia Venezuela, en especial hacia tres estados fronterizos: Zulia, Apure y Táchira. Como consecuencia, en Venezuela existen 1875 personas solicitantes de la condición de refugiados, y la situación en la que se han mantenido los solicitantes, algunos desde 1999, se ha caracterizado por una tolerancia de estadía por parte del Estado venezolano pero sin ningún reconocimiento de su condición y sin la posibilidad de ejercer derechos tales como personalidad jurídica, trabajo, asilo, recurso efectivo, entre otros.

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El contenido de protección dispuesto, tanto en la Convención sobre el Estatuto de los Refugiados de 1951, como en el Protocolo de 1967, deja a los países partes, la obligación de adoptar las medidas que sean necesarias para la implementación y garantía del goce y ejercicio del derecho, dentro de cada una de sus jurisdicciones, de conformidad con su ordenamiento jurídico interno, lo que implica la promulgación de leyes o reglamentos, la creación del (los) órgano (s) administrativos competentes para recibir, estudiar y decidir las solicitudes de reconocimiento del estatuto y el respeto al ejercicio de recursos tanto administrativos, como jurisdiccionales en protección del derecho. En este sentido, el ordenamiento jurídico venezolano, consagró en su Constitución nacional el derecho al refugio o asilo en su artículo 69 y estableció mediante la Promulgación de la Ley Orgánica sobre refugio y asilo los mecanismos estatales para dar aplicación a sus contenidos, mediante la creación, de la instancia administrativa competente para decidir las solicitudes de reconocimiento del estatuto de refugiado (a), denominada “Comisión Nacional para los Refugiados”, así como, el procedimiento para la determinación de la condición de refugiado (a).

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El presente trabajo se inscribe en el debate acerca del conflicto entre los principios constitucionales de información y protección del honor en el terreno del delito flagrante. se trata de la tensión sobre la situación judicial de las personas aprehendidas o capturadas y el actuar de los medios de comunicación, en la emergente corporativización de la Política criminal (seguridad pública) por la agenda periodística. Es una reflexión de cómo el periodismo y las garantías de los detenidos no comulgan alrededor del principio de presunción de inocencia, en donde el metamensaje de la noticia penal buscaría asilo en el populismo legislativo.

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El 19 de junio de 2012, Julián Assange se presentó en las Oficinas de la Embajada del Ecuador en Londres y solicitó asilo diplomático. El 16 de agosto, el Gobierno del Ecuador le concedió el asilo solicitado. Se formalizó así una controversia entre Quito y Londres, empeñado; el primero en obtener un salvoconducto para que Assange pudiera viajar a otro país, y resuelto Londres a someter a dicho ciudadano a la justicia ordinaria británica. El Canciller inglés, por intermedio de su Embajada en Quito hizo saber al Ecuador que, según su legislación interna, estaba facultado para tomar medidas a fin de aprehender a Assange, lo que fue considerado por Ecuador como una clara amenaza a la inviolabilidad de los recintos diplomáticos en Londres. Hay que tener en cuenta, a este respecto, que el asilo, prácticamente desde sus orígenes, se ha vinculado al concepto de inviolabilidad del recinto en el que se busca la protección. Singularmente, desde la época de la república veneciana, es el carácter de inviolable, propio de la residencia de los Embajadores, el factor que da fundamento a la respetabilidad del asilo. Con estos antecedentes, la advertencia de la diplomacia británica, en el sentido de que estaría autorizada por su ley interna para intervenir en la Embajada del Ecuador en Londres, constituyó, además de un grave e inaceptable error, un acto claramente violatorio de la Convención sobre Agentes Diplomáticos, reconocida y respetable universalmente. El apoyo internacional que gestionó y obtuvo Ecuador, en rechazo al pretendido desconocimiento de la inviolabilidad de sus oficinas en Londres, fue extensivamente interpretado y presentado como un apoyo al asilo que había sido concedido a Julián Assange. Las conversaciones entre los gobiernos del Ecuador y Gran Bretaña para buscar una salida al problema no han dado resultado alguno hasta la fecha.

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This paper reflects on the challenges facing the effective implementation of the new EU fundamental rights architecture that emerged from the Lisbon Treaty. Particular attention is paid to the role of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and its ability to function as a ‘fundamental rights tribunal’. The paper first analyses the praxis of the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg and its long-standing experience in overseeing the practical implementation of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Against this analysis, it then examines the readiness of the CJEU to live up to its consolidated and strengthened mandate on fundamental rights as one of the prime guarantors of the effective implementation of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. We specifically review the role of ‘third-party interventions’ by non-governmental organisations, international and regional human rights actors as well as ‘interim relief measures’ when ensuring effective judicial protection of vulnerable individuals in cases of alleged violations of fundamental human rights. To flesh out our arguments, we rely on examples within the scope of the relatively new and complex domain of EU legislation, the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ), and its immigration, external border and asylum policies. In view of the fundamental rights-sensitive nature of these domains, which often encounter shifts of accountability and responsibility in their practical application, and the Lisbon Treaty’s expansion of the jurisdiction of the CJEU to interpret and review EU AFSJ legislation, this area can be seen as an excellent test case for the analyses at hand. The final section puts forth a set of policy suggestions that can assist the CJEU in the process of adjusting itself to the new fundamental rights context in a post-Lisbon Treaty setting.

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In recent decades, immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers have sought a new way of life in large numbers, often leaving their countries of origin behind in search of places that offer a better way of life. The purpose of this study was to investigate how elementary and middle school students in state schools in Reading, England (primarily speakers of Asian languages), and Richmond, Virginia (primarily speakers of Spanish), were supported academically, when most children's first language was not English. The authors were interested in exploring whether or not there were cultural or structural differences in the way each country helped or hindered these students as they progressed through the school systems. Three UK schools in a district of approximately 100,000 and three US schools in a district of approximately 250,000 were the focus of this exploration from 2000 to 2003. Findings indicated that there were cultural and legislative differences and similarities. Teachers and administrators in both countries attempted to provide services with limited and sometimes diminishing resources. Community support varied based on resources, attitudes toward various ethnic groups, and the coping strategies adopted by these groups in their new environments. Marked differences appeared with regard to the manner in which assessments took place and how the results were made available to the public.

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Based on a wide bibliographic apparatus, and on a discourse-analysis approach, but written in a very accessible way to reach also a non-specialist audience, the pamphlet focuses on misleading and biased representations – through every-day stereotypes, media clichés, political speeches – of migration and migrants in today’s Italy, and is exciting a national debate about the strong relationship between language abuses, political and social misrepresentation, lack of citizenship for migrants and asylum seekers in Italy.

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This article explores the interactions between disabled forced migrants with care needs and professionals and the restrictive legal, policy and practice context that health and social care professionals have to confront, based on the findings of a qualitative study with 45 participants in the South-East of England. In-depth interviews were conducted with 15 forced migrants who had diverse impairments and chronic illnesses (8 women and 7 men), 13 family caregivers and 17 support workers and strategic professionals working in social care and the third sector in Slough, Reading and London. The legal status of forced migrants significantly affects their entitlements to health and social care provision, resulting in prolonged periods of destitution for many families. National asylum support policies, difficult working relationships with UK Border Agency, higher eligibility thresholds and reduced social care budgets of local authorities were identified as significant barriers in responding to the support needs of disabled forced migrants and family caregivers. In this context, social workers experienced considerable ethical dilemmas. The research raises profound questions about the potential and limitations of health and social care policies, provision, and practice as means of protection and support in fulfilling the human rights of forced migrants with care needs.

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The blog-post critically analyses the Israeli Supreme Court judgment (HCJ 8425/13 Anon v. Knesset et al) quashing the Prevention of Infiltration Law (Amendment no. 4), offering themes of comparative constitutional interest.

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The late eighties and early nineties in Germany were not only marked by the fall of the Wall and German unification, but also by the dramatization of the political issue of asylum, resulting in outbreaks of xenophobic violence. In the context of the asylum debate of the early nineties, a number of punk bands produced songs between 1991 and 1994 which criticise the xenophobic climate created by the asylum debate and undermine an exculpatory official discourse about the violent attacks. The lyrics of these songs will be analysed as instances of counter-discourse emerging from a subcultural sphere that nurtures a critical distance towards hegemonic public and political discourse, arguing that Critical Discourse Analysis should pay more attention to defiance of hegemonic discourse.

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The chapter sets its analysis of the historical and contemporary detention of asylum seekers in Israel against a wider context of that country's national immigration policy. The chapter demonstrates that Israel perceives asylum seekers as a threat to its self-defined Jewish character. Its twofold conclusion argues that the government therefore subjects asylum seekers to harsh detention practices that afford detainees limited procedural guarantees, and that these procedures cut against the justification for detention as a measure to facilitate deportation.

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The book develops a novel legal argument about the voting rights of recognised 1951 Geneva Convention Refugees. The main normative contention is that such refugees should have the right to vote in the political community where they reside, assuming that the political community is a democracy and that its citizens have the right to vote. The basis of this contention is that the right to political participation in some political community is a basic right from the point of view of dignity and the protection of one’s interests. Due to their unique political predicament, 1951 Geneva Convention Refugees are a special category of non-citizen residents. They are unable to participate in elections of their state of origin, do not enjoy its diplomatic protection and consular assistance abroad, and – most fundamentally – are unable or unwilling, owing to a well-founded fear of persecution, to return to it; thus, they are in limbo for a potentially protracted period. Refugees, too, deserve to have a place in the world in the Arendtian sense, where their opinions are significant and their actions are effective. Their state of asylum is, for the time being, the only community in which there is any realistic prospect of political participation on their part.

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Essa pesquisa procura averiguar de que modo diferem as ações de trabalho voluntário, desenvolvidas por grupos no interior e fora do ambiente empresarial. Para isso, avalia até que ponto o modelo de isonomia, proposto por Guerreiro Ramos (1981), no âmbito de um novo paradigma paraeconômico, se aplica ao voluntariado. Segundo ele, uma isonomia é sítio para a realização de tarefas auto-gratificantes, no qual seus membros dedicam-se ao desenvolvimento pessoal, ao contrário dos relacionamentos moldados pela lógica do mercado. O convívio entre os componentes de uma isonomia favorece a tomada de decisões na forma de colegiado e o tempo para a execução das tarefas assume um formato totalmente diferente de uma organização econômica. Essas e outras categorias são analisadas, a partir de uma pesquisa bibliográfica e de campo, tendo como base também a análise de quatro grupos de voluntários: dois deles formados por funcionários de empresas, um terceiro ligado a um centro espírita e um outro grupo que se dedica a um asilo. As respostas aos questionários e as observações de campo serviram para identificar em quais categorias as ações de voluntários desses grupos mais se aproximam de uma isonomia e em que sentido elas são diferentes das características do trabalho em organizações econômicas. A partir dessa análise, observa-se que os dois grupos de voluntários ligados às empresas, bem como o do centro espírita enquadram-se nos parâmetros da economia, ao passo que o grupo do asilo está mais em sintonia com a isonomia. Tal constatação é uma evidência da intromissão da lógica do mercado em outros enclaves sociais, moldando as ações dos indivíduos e interferindo na maneira como enxergam o mundo.