841 resultados para Language and languages -- Physiological aspects


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A controlled crossover experimental design was used to determine the effect of altered water sprinkling duration on heifers subjected to heat stress conditions. Heifers were subjected to 3 days of thermoneutral conditions followed by 3 days of hot conditions accompanied by water sprinkling between 1300 and 1500 h (HOT1-3). Then on the following 2 days (HOT4-5), environmental conditions remained similar, but 3 heifers were sprinkled between 1200 and 1600 h ( WET) and 3 were not sprinkled (NONWET). This was followed by a 1-day period (HOT6) in which environmental conditions and sprinkling regimen were similar to HOT1-3. Rectal temperature (RT) was collected hourly, and respiration rate (RR) was monitored every 2 h on HOT Days 2, 4, 5, and 6. Dry matter intake and rate of eating were also determined. Sprinkling reduced RR and RT (P < 0.01) of all heifers during HOT1-3. During HOT4-5, WET heifers had lower (P < 0.05) RT than NONWET from 1300 to 700 h and lower RR from 1400 to 2000 h. Dry matter intake of NONWET heifers was reduced by 30.6% (P < 0.05) during HOT4-5 and by 51.2% on HOT6. On HOT4-5 the dry matter intakes of WET heifers were similar to intakes under thermoneutral conditions. During HOT6, RT was again reduced following sprinkling in all heifers. Comparison of RT and RR of NONWET and WET heifers on HOT1-3 v. HOT6 revealed that under similar environmental conditions, NONWET heifers had increased RT, partially due to carry-over from HOT4-5. However, NONWET heifers had 40% lower feed intake but tended to have lower RR on HOT6 v. HOT1-3. Only RR of WET heifers was greater on HOT6, possibly a result of switching from a 4-h back to a 2-h sprinkling period, while maintaining a 62% greater intake (5.80 v. 3.58 kg/day) than NONWET heifers during this time. Results suggest that inconsistent cooling regimens may increase the susceptibility of cattle to heat stress and elicit different physiological and metabolic responses.

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Recent terrorist events in the UK, such as the security alerts at British airports in August 2006 and the London bombings of July 2005 gained extensive media and academic analysis. This study contends, however, that much of the commentary demonstrated a wide degree of failure among government agencies, academic and analytic experts and the wider media, about the nature of the threat and continues to distort comprehension of the extant danger. The principal failure, this argument maintains, was, and continues to be, one of an asymmetry of comprehension that mistakes the still relatively limited means of violent jihadist radicals with limited political ends. The misapprehension often stems from the language that surrounds the idea of 'terrorism', which increasingly restricts debate to an intellectually redundant search for the 'root causes' that give rise to the politics of complacency. In recent times this outlook has consistently underestimated the level of the threat to the security of the UK. This article argues that a more realistic appreciation of the current security condition requires abandoning the prevailing view that the domestic threat is best prosecuted as a criminal conspiracy. It demands instead a total strategy to deal with a totalizing threat. The empirical evidence demonstrates the existence of a physical threat, not merely the political fear of threat. The implementation of a coherent set of social policies for confronting the threat at home recognizes that securing state borders and maintaining internal stability are the first tasks of government. Fundamentally, this requires a return to an understanding of the Hobbesian conditions for sovereignty, which, despite the delusions of post-Cold War cosmopolitan multiculturalism, never went away.

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Inglehart’s thesis of postmaterial value change is one of the most influential accounts of social and political change in advanced Western nations. This paper uses data from the World Values Survey and the Australian Election Surveys to reexamine the relationship between age and values in 19 advanced industrial nations. We find evidence of a monotonic age structuring of values in a number of countries, but in others, the relationship between age and values is not as Inglehart would predict. In addition, the impact of birth cohort on values differs between countries that are dominated by two major parties and those where there are many smaller parties. The presence of successful Green parties is also important for enhancing the uptake of postmaterialist values. These findings suggest that Inglehart’s arguments about generational value change should be modified to take into account national political institutions and political cultures that might enhance or impede generational-based values change.

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Since the mid-1990s, automatic citizenship for children born in the Republic has been a source of growing debate against a backdrop of increasing immigration and the peace process. In June 2004, the debate culminated in a referendum, opening the way to a constitutional amendment that attaches residence qualifications to the hitherto unfettered entitlement to citizenship available through ius soli. Arguments for the amendment were couched in terms of a threat posed by Third World women having babies in Ireland to obtain residence, and a putative obligation to the EU to harmonise citizenship laws. This article explores how pregnant foreign women’s bodies became a site of perplexity about the borders of the twenty-first century Irish nation. It is therefore suggested that neither the ‘racial state’ theories nor feminist theories of the nation-state account fully for this. On closer inspection, the seemingly sui generis case of the Irish referendum is therefore fruitful in that it demands further reflection in terms of bridging gaps in the existing theory.