Observatory from new hospital

Richard Bull, architect. Known at various times as Detroit Observatory, Campus Observatory, Old Observatory. On verso: G.R. Swain. 713 East University Ave., Ann Arbor, Mich.

Mosher Jordan Halls in March 1930. Showing also the Hospital Group and Palmer Field

Left to right "New" hospital group, Observatory, Mosher Jordan, Women's Athletic Building, Palmer Field (in front of Mosher Hall)

Birdseye view of campus from Hill Auditorium

On verso: Swain copy (1925) of earlier photograph, undated. Left center: foreground, Homeopathic Hospital (now site of Natural Science); rear, Old Library. Right: University Hall (rear); Haven Hall. Center: Old boiler house

View along North University showing the Homeopathic Hospital & the Law Building sometime between 1893-1896

On verso: Weare

View along North University showing Homeopathic Hospital Building - sometime between 1893-1896

On verso: J. Weare

University Hospital

On verso: Taken from the smoke stack of the Washington Street Power Plant. In another hand: Hospital still unfinished in interior. Nurses Dorm not yet started

University Hospital

On verso: Taken from the east. From J.K. Dent, 6500 Westland Rd., Bethesda 20034

Aeroplane view of Ann Arbor, 1937. University hospital in foreground

On verso: fr. [from] Col. Fred G. Rogers 4-22-37

University Hospital

By Talbert Abrams from southwest of hospital. Inscription on photo: Talbert Abrams. A-B-C Airline Corp. Lansing, Mich.

Fuller Road Apts. and Veterans Hospital

On verso: Huron Towers -- N.C. [North Campus] July 1963

Veterans Administration Hospital

Dedicated October 18, 1953. This is a general Medical and Surgical Hospital with 488 beds. It is a Residency hospital, cooperating with the Deans Committee, University of Michigan, for the treatment of veterans of our armed force. Color by Lucy Gridley

Department of Defense authorization for appropriations for fiscal years 1990 and 1991 : hearings before the Committee on Armed Services, United States Senate, One Hundred First Congress, first session, on S. 1085 ...

Item 1034-A, 1034-B (MF).

Between Two Fires: Civilian Resistance during Internal Armed Conflict in Peru

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06

Armed Groups and Violence in Paraguay

Armed violence in Paraguay is not a recent phenomenon. During the second half of the XX Century, Paraguay saw the rise of a larger number of underground, revolutionary movements that sought the overthrow of the Alfredo Stroessner’s (1954-1989) government. From among those movements emerged the Partido Patria Libre (or, Free Fatherland, also known for its acronym PPL), made up of a two branches: one legal and the other one, operational. The latter was based on people’s power, as represented by “Ejército del Pueblo Paraguayo” (or, the Paraguayan People’s Army, with acronym EPP). After EPP broke with PPL in March 2008, this Marxist-oriented revolutionary project, which was apparently oriented to put an end to the social, political and economic inequalities in Paraguay, began to carry out markedly criminal activities, which included bank robberies, kidnappings, assassinations, terrorist attacks and armed confrontations. Its strategies and modus operandi utilized by the Armed Revolutionary Forces of Colombia (FARC). Paraguay features a farm sector in a state of crisis, in which cattle-ranchers, peasants and agro-exporting companies live in a constant strife. The Paraguayan Departments that are the most affected by this situation are Concepciόn, San Pedro, Canindeyú y Caazapá, which also suffer from a weak government presence. This deficiency has made these departments ripe for drug-trafficking activity by Brazilian groups such as Primer Comando Capital (i.e., First Capital command), also PCC and Comando Vermelho, (i.e., The Red Command). That is why many peasants, now recruited by EPP, have joined the drug-trafficking business and that, not only as marihuana growers but as “campanas” (i.e., early warning sentinels) for the organization. This helps shape their attitudes for their future involvement in all areas of drug-trafficking. Paraguayan society is the result of social inequity and inequality, such as those resulting from a lack of opportunity. Although Paraguay has successfully recovered from the last world economic crisis, economic growth, by itself, does not ensure an improvement in the quality of life. As long as such economic and social gaps persist and the government fails to enact the policies that would result in a more just society and toward EPP neutralization or containment, the latter is bound to grow stronger. In this context, the situation in Paraguay calls for more research into the EPP phenomenon. It would also seem necessary for Paraguay to promote an open national debate that includes all sectors of society in order to raise consciousness and to induce society to take actual steps to eliminate the EPP, as well as any other group that might arise in the immediate future. EPP has strong connections with the Frente Patriόtico Manuel Rodríguez in Chile and other armed groups and peasant movements in other countries of this region. Although most governments in the region are aware that the armed struggle is not a solution to current problems, it might be worth it to hold a regional debate about armed or insurgent groups in Latin American to seek common strategies and cooperation on dealing with them since the expansion of these armed groups is a problem for all.

Valued tradition? Armed policing in the UK

The traditional social “contract” in the UK mainland between the public and the police involves the ideal of an unarmed police service. In recent years while the public have accepted the more visible role of specialist armed officers on security duties in airports and strategic positions, the majority of officers remain unarmed. Following 7/7 in London and the Derrick Bird case in Cumbria there have been media calls for more police officers to be armed on a routine basis .This would fundamentally change the social contract and the relationship with the British public. The principle of policing by consent and the idea of the citizen in uniform are the fundamental tenets of British policing .Historically the only forces in the UK which are routinely armed are the Police Service of Northern Ireland in Northern Ireland, the Ministry of Defence Police and the Civil Nuclear Constabulary. In contrast all major police forces in Europe, as well as the US, Canada and Australia routinely carry firearms, the exceptions apart from Britain, are the Irish Republic, and New Zealand. In Norway officers carry arms in their cars but not on their person. Every time unarmed police officers are killed, as with the tragic case of Nicola Hughes and Fiona Bone killed in the line of duty in Manchester in 2013, the question of arming the British Police is raised.So does the current balance protect the public and safeguard officers or does it fail to satisfy either. Is the current balance between unarmed and armed police in the UK suitable for the 21st Century? There appears to be competing agendas for the Police to contend with. These have been illustrated by recent controversy in Scotland about a standing authority which allowed a small number of officers to carry guns while on routine patrol .Politicians and community leaders attacked the nationwide roll-out of officers with a standing authority to carry guns on routine patrols since the formation of Scotland’s single police force. The Forces armed police monitoring group recommended keeping the standing authority in place after it was given intelligence on serious organised crime groups in 2014.The Inspectorate of Constabulary in Scotland (HMICS) in its review of the authority (2014) said the operational need for the authority is justified by national intelligence and threat levels.