977 resultados para [JEL:F13] International Economics - Trade - Commercial Policy


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We construct and estimate a unified model combining three of the main sources ofcross-country income disparities: differences in factor endowments, barriers to technologyadoption and the inappropriateness of frontier technologies to local conditions. The keycomponents are different types of workers, distortions to capital accumulation, directedtechnical change, costly adoption and spillovers from the world technology frontier. Despiteits parsimonious parametrization, our empirical model provides a good fit of GDP data forup to 86 countries in 1970 and 122 countries in 2000. Removing barriers to technologyadoption would increase the output per worker of the average non-OECD country relativeto the US from 0.19 to 0.61, while increasing skill premia in all countries. Removing barriersto trade in goods amplifies income disparities, induces skill-biased technology adoptionand increases skill premia in the majority of countries. These results are reverted if tradeliberalization is coupled with international IPR protection.

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[spa] Tras largas y complejas negociaciones, la Unión Europea celebró un acuerdo comercial con Colombia en 2010 que ha empezado a aplicarse provisionalmente el 1 de agosto de 2013. El artículo se centra en las relaciones entre Colombia y la Unión y analiza el impacto que dicho acuerdo pueda tener en el marco de las obligaciones de las partes de respetar los derechos humanos universalmente reconocidos, incluyendo derechos sociales y los derechos de los pueblos indígenas. De dicho análisis se deriva que la presencia de cláusulas democráticas o de derechos humanos en el Acuerdo es insuficiente, habida cuenta los antecedentes del SGP+ vigente hasta la entrada en vigor del nuevo acuerdo, mientras que algunos aspectos sustantivos del Acuerdo permiten augurar consecuencias negativas respecto de los sectores sociales más desfavorecidos en la República de Colombia.

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We study the determinants of political myopia in a rational model of electoral accountability where the key elements are informational frictions and uncertainty. We build aframework where political ability is ex-ante unknown and policy choices are not perfectlyobservable. On the one hand, elections improve accountability and allow to keep well-performing incumbents. On the other, politicians invest too little in costly policies withfuture returns in an attempt to signal high ability and increase their reelection probability.Contrary to the conventional wisdom, uncertainty reduces political myopia and may, undersome conditions, increase social welfare. We use the model to study how political rewardscan be set so as to maximise social welfare and the desirability of imposing a one-term limitto governments. The predictions of our theory are consistent with a number of stylised factsand with a new empirical observation documented in this paper: aggregate uncertainty, measured by economic volatility, is associated to better fiscal discipline in a panel of 20 OECDcountries.

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We study the gains from increased wage flexibility and their dependence on exchange rate policy, using a small open economy model with staggered price andwage setting. Two results stand out: (i) the impact of wage adjustments on employment is smaller the more the central bank seeks to stabilize the exchange rate,and (ii) an increase in wage flexibility often reduces welfare, and more likely so ineconomies under an exchange rate peg or an exchange rate-focused monetary policy.Our findings call into question the common view that wage flexibility is particularlydesirable in a currency union.

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This paper evaluates the global welfare impact of observed levels of migration using a quantitativemulti-sector model of the world economy calibrated to aggregate and firm-level data.Our framework features cross-country labor productivity differences, international trade, remittances,and a heterogeneous workforce. We compare welfare under the observed levels ofmigration to a no-migration counterfactual. In the long run, natives in countries that receiveda lot of migration -such as Canada or Australia- are better o due to greater product varietyavailable in consumption and as intermediate inputs. In the short run the impact of migrationon average welfare in these countries is close to zero, while the skilled and unskilled nativestend to experience welfare changes of opposite signs. The remaining natives in countries withlarge emigration flows -such as Jamaica or El Salvador- are also better off due to migration,but for a different reason: remittances. The welfare impact of observed levels of migration issubstantial, at about 5 to 10% for the main receiving countries and about 10% in countries withlarge incoming remittances. Our results are robust to accounting for imperfect transferabilityof skills, selection into migration, and imperfect substitution between natives and immigrants.

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Para la mayoría de los economistas, la firma del acuerdo final de la Ronda Uruguay en abril de 1994 en Marrakech (Marruecos) comporta una sustancial mejora en las perspectivas referentes a las relaciones comerciales entre los distintos países. Esta mejora tiene como base la liberalización comercial que suponen los acuerdos alcanzados y, en especial, la creación de una nueva institución: la Organización Mundial de Comercio (OMC). La OMC tiene como objetivo recoger el testigo del Acuerdo General sobre Aranceles y Comercio (GATT) en la defensa de un sistema de comercio más libre, transparente y multilateral (Sutherland, 1994). Su creación significa la adecuación al siglo XXI de los acuerdos de Bretton Woods1 concernientes al ámbito comercial que, durante los últimos 50 años, con mayor o menor éxito han regido las relaciones comerciales de carácter multilateral entre las diferentes naciones. Además, en un mundo donde el declive del GATT, desde principios de la década de los ochenta, ha conllevado la proliferación de áreas regionales de comercio, la OMC constituye un elemento imprescindible para hacer frente tanto a actitudes unilaterales que pretenden la realización de un comercio administrado como al incremento del proteccionismo en las transacciones interregionales.

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[cat] Aquest treball analitza la trajectòria de lempresa FASA-Renault durant la dècada dels setanta del segle XX. Aquest període compren els primers anys de la crisis experimentada per leconomia i la industria espanyola entre 1974 y 1985. A nivell extern, leconomia espanyola es va veure afectada per dos xocs en el preu del petroli. A nivell intern, la industria de l’automòbil es va veure afectat per un decret governamental: es tractava de l’anomenat decret “Ford”, aprovat l’any 1972, el qual facilitava lestabliment de Ford a Espanya. Aquest decret va tenir greus conseqüències per a SEAT, el principal productor espanyol. Entre 1972 y 1980 la producció de SEAT es va reduir en una tercera part i la seva situació financera va esdevenir insostenible. Per contra, en aquest període FASA-Renault va esdevenir el principal productor ubicat a Espanya (la seva producció es va multiplicar per 3,5 durant els anys setanta) i en líder de ventes en el mercat espanyol (la seva penetració es va incrementar del 23 al 36%). El principal objectiu del treball es analitzar els factor que expliquen l’èxit de FASARenault durant els anys setanta.

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[cat] Aquest treball analitza la trajectòria de lempresa FASA-Renault durant la dècada dels setanta del segle XX. Aquest període compren els primers anys de la crisis experimentada per leconomia i la industria espanyola entre 1974 y 1985. A nivell extern, leconomia espanyola es va veure afectada per dos xocs en el preu del petroli. A nivell intern, la industria de l’automòbil es va veure afectat per un decret governamental: es tractava de l’anomenat decret “Ford”, aprovat l’any 1972, el qual facilitava lestabliment de Ford a Espanya. Aquest decret va tenir greus conseqüències per a SEAT, el principal productor espanyol. Entre 1972 y 1980 la producció de SEAT es va reduir en una tercera part i la seva situació financera va esdevenir insostenible. Per contra, en aquest període FASA-Renault va esdevenir el principal productor ubicat a Espanya (la seva producció es va multiplicar per 3,5 durant els anys setanta) i en líder de ventes en el mercat espanyol (la seva penetració es va incrementar del 23 al 36%). El principal objectiu del treball es analitzar els factor que expliquen l’èxit de FASARenault durant els anys setanta.

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Paradoxically, high-growth, high-investment developing countries tend to experience capital outflows. This paper shows that this allocation puzzle can be explained simply by introducing uninsurable idiosyncratic investment risk in the neoclassical growth model with international trade in bonds, and by taking into account not only TFP catch-up, but also the capital wedge, that is, the distortions on the return to capital. The model fits the two following facts, documented on a sample of 67 countries between 1980 and 2003: (i) TFP growth is positively correlated with capital outflows in a sample including creditor countries; (ii) the long-run level of capital per efficient unit of labor is positively correlated with capital outflows. Consistently, we show that the capital flows predicted by the model are positively correlated with the actual ones in this sample once the capital wedge is accounted for. The fact that Asia dominates global imbalances can be explained by its relatively low capital wedge.

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Difference-in-Difference (DiD) methods are being increasingly used to analyze the impact of mergers on pricing and other market equilibrium outcomes. Using evidence from an exogenous merger between two retail gasoline companies in a specific market in Spain, this paper shows how concentration did not lead to a price increase. In fact, the conjectural variation model concludes that the existence of a collusive agreement before and after the merger accounts for this result, rather than the existence of efficient gains. This result may explain empirical evidence reported in the literature according to which mergers between firms do not have significant effects on prices.

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The analysis of vertical industry relations forms an essential element in the field of industrial organization. This paper tests hypotheses derived from transaction cost theory and the principal-agent problem in Chile’s petrol market. It shows that local competition plays an important role in the choice of a disintegrated vertical structure, and that low levels of service investment have the same effect. Conversely, the number of own-brand outlets and a high level of investment in services reduce the probability of disintegration. The paper demonstrates that vertical disintegration has a null effect on wholesale petrol prices and a positive effect on retail petrol prices of between 1.6 and 7 per cent, depending on fuel type.

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International sport governing bodies (ISGBs) are built on the foundations of freedom of association and traditionally enjoy a large degree of autonomy in their decision-making. Their autonomy is increasingly confined, however, and their hierarchical self-governance is giving way to a more networked governance, in which different stakeholders exert power in different ways and in different contexts in a complex web of interrelationships. Taking a rationalist perspective on the autonomy of ISGBs, this article demonstrates that ISGBs are deploying strategies to safeguard their waning governing monopoly over international sport. Opting for an inductive approach, the authors present four possible conceptualizations of autonomy as applied to ISGBs, namely political autonomy, legal autonomy, financial autonomy and pyramidal autonomy. For each dimension, they describe the different strategies ISGBs wield in order to safeguard different dimensions of their autonomy. This article uses governance theories to hypothesize that the autonomy of ISGBs can be understood as 'pragmatic autonomy' since ISGBs only cede certain aspects of their autonomy under particular circumstances and when being subject to specific threats. Acting in a rationalist manner, they are able to keep control over governance developments in sport by using indirect and more subtle forms of governance.

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L’objectif de ce papier est de déterminer les facteurs susceptibles d’expliquer les faillites bancaires au sein de l’Union économique et monétaire ouest-africaine (UEMOA) entre 1980 et 1995. Utilisant le modèle logit conditionnel sur des données en panel, nos résultats montrent que les variables qui affectent positivement la probabilité de faire faillite des banques sont : i) le niveau d’endettement auprès de la banque centrale; ii) un faible niveau de comptes disponibles et à vue; iii) les portefeuilles d’effets commerciaux par rapport au total des crédits; iv) le faible montant des dépôts à terme de plus de 2 ans à 10 ans par rapport aux actifs totaux; et v) le ratio actifs liquides sur actifs totaux. En revanche, les variables qui contribuent positivement sur la vraisemblance de survie des banques sont les suivantes : i) le ratio capital sur actifs totaux; ii) les bénéfices nets par rapport aux actifs totaux; iii) le ratio crédit total sur actifs totaux; iv) les dépôts à terme à 2 ans par rapport aux actifs totaux; et v) le niveau des engagements sous forme de cautions et avals par rapport aux actifs totaux. Les ratios portefeuilles d’effets commerciaux et actifs liquides par rapport aux actifs totaux sont les variables qui expliquent la faillite des banques commerciales, alors que ce sont les dépôts à terme de plus de 2 ans à 10 ans qui sont à l’origine des faillites des banques de développement. Ces faillites ont été considérablement réduites par la création en 1989 de la commission de réglementation bancaire régionale. Dans l’UEMOA, seule la variable affectée au Sénégal semble contribuer positivement sur la probabilité de faire faillite.

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The effect of long discussions between commissioners with divergent views on certain issues is obvious in the report: it is more oriented towards the short term than expected. Undue attention was paid to trade liberalization with the U.S., a region of the world which the report describes as one in relative decline. The report does not deal with a scenario wherein trade liberalization with the U.S.A. is seen as a necessary transitory measure leading towards diversification of Canada's trade relation away from North America. Such an examination would point to a different approach to the U.S.A. in the short term. The report does not deal with services, information and te telecommunication which are fundamental to the economic development of Canada. There is also overemphasis on commercial policy and relative neglect on the use of domestic policies, among them industrial policy, in the pursuit of Canada's objectives. The report notes the interdependence between commercial and domestic policies and rightly recommend that provinces must, as a consequence, be involved in trade liberalization discussions. It is argued that the report underestimates the pressures for extra- territorial application of U.S. policies to Canada and the pressure for harmonization of policies which would follow trade liberalization. The report pays no attention to the implications of offshore investment going primarily to the U.S.A. and does not pay adequate attention to the role of investment to deal with adjustment problems. Available studies would have allowed the commissioners to clarify the determinants of investment decisions by Canadian head offices who have established subsidiaries in the U.S.A. but they were not examined. Little attention was paid to the role of transnationals and intrafirm trade in examining the implications of trade liberalization. The importance given to the reduction of regional disparities in earned incomes is welcome. However, the recommandation to leave regional development to provinces and municipalities denies the importance of national policies in the attainment of regionalization job equilization the impact of new CAD-CAM-telecommunications technologies on location decisions for the production of goods and services was not examined. Nor were the extent of and changes in interregional (i.e. interprovincial and more particularly province-state) trade flows examined. Knowledge of these patterns is essential in the formulation of industrial and adjustment policies in light of trade liberalization. The report recommends passive industrial adjustment policies focussed on the U.S., a reflection of the concern of the commissioners for the short term and the U.S.A. The implementation of the report's recommendations would lead to a centralization of economic power at the nationallevel, hence the need to establish a renewed senate to favour the formulation of regionally sensitive national policies.