978 resultados para performative Arbeit


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This study examines the politics and policies of reproductive agency through a redescription of three Finnish policy documents dealing with the declining birth rate: the Government report on the future 'Finland for people of all ages' (2004), Business and Policy Forum EVA report 'Condemned to Diminish?' (Tuomitut vähenemään?) (2003), and the Family Federation's 'Population Policy Program' (2004). The redescription is done with the help of the notion of reproductive agency, which draws on Drucilla Cornell's concepts of the imaginary domain and bodily integrity. The imaginary domain is the moral and psychic space people need in order to form their personality, which is created in constant identificatory processes. The aim of the processes is imaginary coherence. As the personality is embodied, forming one s imaginary coherence always includes attempts for bodily integrity, also entailing attempts to arrive at an understanding of one's procreative capacities. Besides Cornell, I draw on Judith Butler's thinking and comprehend gender performatively as doing, and in relation to that agency as part of the performative process of one's personality. Reproductive agency is understood in this study as the possibilities to live differently the hegemonic forms of procreative life. I deal with three redescriptive themes: the family, economics and gender. The family is a central element in that it is considered the main location of reproduction. With regard to reproductive agency, the documents include problematic conceptions of the family. It is defined as a heterosexual, monogamous, conjugal relationship, which affects reproductive agency in that these notions do not allow for different modes of family life. The second prominent aspect, economics, features on two levels: the macroeconomic level of GDP, employment and competitiveness, and the level of family policies and concern about family finances. Macroeconomic-level argumentation is problematic in the context of reproductive agency because it implies that procreation is a duty of citizens, and thus has effects on values attached to reproductive potential. On the other hand, family policies may advance reproductive agency in supporting families financially. However, such policies also define how the family is understood, thereby affecting reproductive agency. The third theme, gender, intersects with many issues in the policy documents. All three texts consider the roles of men and women differently: women are primarily responsible for the family, and both men's and women's reproductive agency is affected in that the roles in the procreative process are predefined. EVA and the Family Federation see women as the main target of population policies, and consider it legitimate to try to change women s reproductive decisions. Implicit in the notion of reproductive agency is the idea that it should be possible to overcome and live differently the sex difference, but the three documents do not open up opportunities for that. The notion of reproductive agency makes it also possible to question the legitimacy of population policies in general and offers new perspectives on the vocabularies used in the three policy texts, providing insights into the values and logics that support the concepts.

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Despite increasing interest in the discursive aspects of strategy, few studies have examined strategy texts and their power effects. We draw from Critical Discourse Analysis to better understand the power of strategic plans as a directive genre. In our empirical analysis, we examined the creation of the official strategic plan of the City of Lahti in Finland. As a result of our inductive analysis, we identified five central discursive features of this plan: self-authorization, special terminology, discursive innovation, forced consensus and deonticity. We argue that these features can, with due caution, be generalized and conceived as distinctive features of the strategy genre. We maintain that these discursive features are not trivial characteristics; they have important implications for the textual agency of strategic plans, their performative effects, impact on power relations and ideological implications.

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In this thesis I examine the U.S. foreign policy discussion that followed the war between Russia and Georgia in August 2008. In the politically charged setting that preceded the presidential elections, the subject of the debate was not only Washington's response to the crisis in the Caucasus but, more generally, the direction of U.S. foreign policy after the presidency of George W. Bush. As of November 2010, the reasons for and consequences of the Russia-Georgia war continue to be contested. My thesis demonstrates that there were already a number of different stories about the conflict immediately after the outbreak of hostilities. I want to argue that among these stories one can discern a “neoconservative narrative” that described the war as a confrontation between the East and the West and considered it as a test for Washington’s global leadership. I draw on the theory of securitization, particularly on a framework introduced by Holger Stritzel. Accordingly, I consider statements about the conflict as “threat texts” and analyze these based on the existing discursive context, the performative force of the threat texts and the positional power of the actors presenting them. My thesis suggests that a notion of narrativity can complement Stritzel’s securitization framework and take it further. Threat texts are established as narratives by attaching causal connections, meaning and actorship to the discourse. By focusing on this process I want to shed light on the relationship between the text and the context, capture the time dimension of a speech act articulation and help to explain how some interpretations of the conflict are privileged and others marginalized. I develop the theoretical discussion through an empirical analysis of the neoconservative narrative. Drawing on Stritzel’s framework, I argue that the internal logic of the narrative which was presented as self-evident can be analyzed in its historicity. Asking what was perceived to be at stake in the conflict, how the narrative was formed and what purposes it served also reveals the possibility for alternative explanations. My main source material consists of transcripts of think tank seminars organized in Washington, D.C. in August 2008. In addition, I resort to the foreign policy discussion in the mainstream media.

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Our investigations in this paper are centred around the mathematical analysis of a ldquomodal waverdquo problem. We have considered the axisymmetric flow of an inviscid liquid in a thinwalled viscoelastic tube under certain simplifying assumptions. We have first derived the propagation space equations in the long wave limit and also given a general procedure to derive these equations for arbitrary wave length, when the flow is irrotational. We have used the method of operators of multiple scales to derive the nonlinear Schrödinger equation governing the modulation of periodic waves and we have elaborated on the ldquolong modulated wavesrdquo and the ldquomodulated long wavesrdquo. We have also examined the existence and stability of Stokes waves in this system. This is followed by a discussion of the progressive wave solutions of the long wave equations. One of the most important results of our paper is that the propagation space equations are no longer partial differential equations but they are in terms of pseudo-differential operators.Die vorliegenden Untersuchungen beziehen sich auf die mathematische Behandlung des ldquorModalwellenrdquo-Problems. Die achsensymmetrische Strömung einer nichtviskosen Flüssigkeit in einem dünnwandigen viskoelastischen Rohr, unter bestimmten vereinfachenden Annahmen, wird betrachtet. Zuerst werden die Gleichungen des Ausbreitungsraumes im Langwellenbereich abgeleitet und eine allgemeine Methode zur Herleitung dieser Gleichungen für beliebige Wellenlängen bei nichtrotierender Strömung angegeben. Eine Operatorenmethode mit multiplem Maßstab wird verwendet zur Herleitung der nichtlinearen Schrödinger-Gleichung für die Modulation der periodischen Wellen, und die ldquorlangmodulierten Wellenrdquo sowie die ldquormodulierten Langwellenrdquo werden aufgezeigt. Weiters wird die Existenz und die Stabilität der Stokes-Wellen im System untersucht. Anschließend werden die progressiven Wellenlösungen der Langwellengleichungen diskutiert. Eines der wichtigsten Ergebnisse dieser Arbeit ist, daß die Gleichungen des Ausbreitungsraumes keine partiellen Differentialgleichungen mehr sind, sondern Ausdrücke von Pseudo-Differentialoperatoren.

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The paper deals with the flow and heat-transfer problem of a steady axisymmetric laminar incompressible boundary layer swirling flow of a fluid through a conical hydrocyclone. The implicit finitedifference scheme is used to solve the partial differential equations governing the flow. The effect of swirl is found to be more pronounced on the longitudinal skin friction than on the tangential skin friction and heat transfer. The skin friction and heat transfer increase with swirl or with longitudinal distance. Swirl also gives rise to velocity overshoot in the longitudinal velocity profiles and the magnitude of the velocity overshoot increases as the swirl parameter increases. The results are found to be in good agreement with those of the local nonsimilarity and momentum integral methods but they differ appreciably from those of the local similarity method except for the longitudinal skin friction which is fairly in good agreement with that of the local similarity method.Die Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Strömung und dem Wärmeübergang in einem konischen Zyklon unter der Voraussetzung stationärer, achsensymmetrischer, laminarer, inkompressibler Grenzschichtströmung. Ein implizites Differenzenverfahren wird benutzt, um die partiellen Differentialgleichungen zu lösen. Der Einfluß des Dralls ist besonders ausgeprägt auf die longitudinale Komponente der Oberflächenreibung, weniger dagegen bei der tangentialen Komponente und beim Wärmeübergang. Die Oberflächenreibung und der Wärmeübergang nehmen zu mit dem Drall, sowie mit dem longitudinalen Abstand. Der Drall erzeugt ein Überschießen der Geschwindigkeit in der longitudinalen Abstand. Der Drall erzeugt ein Überschießen der Geschwindigkeit in der Längsrichtung. Die Größe des Überschusses nimmt mit wachsendem Drallparameter zu. Die Resultate stimmen gut mit den Ergebnissen der Theorie der lokalen Nichtähnlichkeit und der Impulsintegralmethode überein. Dagegen weichen sie mit Ausnahme der longitudinalen Komponente der Oberflächenreibung beträchtlich von den Resultaten der Theorie der lokalen Ähnlichkeit ab.

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Former President of Finland Urho Kekkonen was not only a powerful politician but also a well-known sportsman and keep-fit enthusiast. The president’s sports hobbies were covered and celebrated in the media and thus became an integral part of his public persona. This paper looks at Kekkonen’s athletic and able-bodied image and its significance for his power from the perspective of gender. In his exercise activities, Kekkonen was able to display his bodily prowess and demonstrate his version of masculinity, which emphasized both physical and mental strength. The union of mind and muscle in turn buttressed his political ascendancy. Kekkonen’s athletic body served as a cornerstone of his dominance over his country and, simultaneously, as a shield protecting Finland from both internal and external threats. Furthermore, Kekkonen’s sports performances were essential elements in the myth that was created around the president during his term and which was carefully conserved after his fall from power. Drawing upon scholarship on men and masculinities, this paper reassesses the still-effective mythical image of Kekkonen as an invincible superman. The article reveals the performative nature of his athletic activities and shows that in part, his pre-eminence in them was nothing more than theatre enacted by him and his entourage. Thus, Kekkonen’s superior and super-masculine image was actually surprisingly vulnerable and dependent on the success of the performance. The president’s ageing, in particular, demonstrates the fragility of his displays of prowess, strength and masculinity, and shows how fragile the entanglement of body and power can be.

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This study examines young people s political participation in transnational meetings. Methodologically the study aims to shed light on multi-sited global ethnography. Young people are viewed here as a social age group sensitive to critical, alternative and even radical political participation. The diversity of the young actors and their actions is captured by using several different methods. What is more, the study spurs us coming from the Global North to develop social science research towards methodological cosmopolitanism and to consider our research practices from a moral cosmopolitan perspective. The research sites are the EU Presidency Youth Event (2006 Hyvinkää, Finland), the Global Young Greens Founding Conference (2007 Nairobi, Kenya), the European Social Forum (2008 Malmö, Sweden) and three World Social Forums (2006 Bamako, Mali; 2007 Nairobi Kenya and 2009 Belém, Brazil). The data consists of participant observation, documents and media articles of the meetings, interviews, photos, video, and internet data. This multidisciplinary study combines youth research, development studies, performative social science and political sociology. In this research the diverse field of youth political participation in transnational agoras is studied by using a cross-table of cosmopolitan resources (or the lack of them) and everydaymakers expert citizen dichotomy. First, the young participants of the EU Presidency youth event are studied as an example of expert citizens with cosmopolitan resources (these resources include, for example, language skills, higher education and international social network). Second, the study analyses those everyday-makers who use performative politics to demonstrate their political missions here and now. But in order to make the social movement global they need cosmopolitan resources to be able to use the social media tools and work globally. Third, the study reflects upon the difficulties of reaching those actors who lack cosmopolitan resources, either everyday-makers or expert citizens. The go-along method and the use of the interpreters are shown as ways to reach these young people s political missions. Fourth, the research underlines the importance of contact zones (i.e. spaces or situations where the aforementioned orientations and their differences temporarily disappear or weaken) for deeper democracy and for boosted dialogue between different kinds of participants. Keywords: political participation, young people, multi-sited ethnography, youth research, political sociology, development studies, performative social science

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Resumen: Este trabajo analiza la acción colectiva sindical postnacional en el MERCOSUR en un período histórico signado por profundas mutaciones políticas, económicas, y productivas sociales (1991-2012) a partir de los relatos y representaciones de sus protagonistas. El trabajo cualitativo intentará explicar la configuración del sindicalismo internacional en la globalización, y describir las estrategias del movimiento obrero mercosureño. La metodología cualitativa ilustra un trabajo de campo a partir de entrevistas en profundidad a 34 sindicalistas del Mercosur, y entrevistas adicionales a tres representantes de la Confederación Sindical de las Américas, dos empresarios del Mercosur, un especialista académico en la dimensión sociolaboral de la integración regional y un representante de la OIT en la región. La metodología de análisis e interpretación de dichas entrevistas ha sido la teoría fundamentada, entendida como la técnica más idónea de aprehender los procesos sociales a través de las voces de los líderes obreros, comprender su realidad, sus representaciones y sistema de valores, sus ideas y su acción colectiva. La literatura de los movimientos sociales en la globalización capitalista ha puesto el énfasis en la emergencia de nuevos colectivos cuyos reclamos se concentran en el reconocimiento (Fraser y Honneth, 2006) de sus identidades que el modelo fordista de producción pareció invisibilizar y soslayar ante la primacía de las prácticas económicas y demandas distributivas. Esta tesis conjuga una perspectiva dualista y demuestra que las estrategias de reconocimiento y las reivindicaciones de redistribución de tipo clasista se resignificaron en el escenario postnacional a través de la Coordinadora de Centrales Sindicales del Cono Sur –CCSCS- (subregional) y, con un desarrollo menor: los Sindicatos Globales (FSI, GUFs) en la acción sectorial [1991-2012]. Para arribar al núcleo configurativo de sus representaciones y su sistema de valores, la investigación transitó por los sentidos y significados del trabajo, las mutaciones productivas y de las condiciones del trabajo, las teorías del fin del trabajo, la precarización y la representación de los trabajadores más frágiles: mujeres, jóvenes y migrantes. En un segundo orden se interpeló sobre la gobernanza mundial, los organismos internacionales, el régimen normativo internacional, la civilización capitalista, para luego abordar el estudio específico del Mercosur y la acción obrera en dicho proceso. El núcleo determinó que para los representantes obreros la acción colectiva sindical debe ser postnacional y su objetivo es limitar la globalización capitalista neoliberal. La CCSCS conformó desde sus inicios un movimiento capaz de elevarse al rango supranacional para representar la voz de los trabajadores del MERCOSUR. La pluralidad configuró su mayor virtud durante sus primeros 20 años, reconociendo una experiencia de aprendizaje de tolerancia y respeto, que ellos definen como la unidad en la diversidad. Esta entidad constituye un patrimonio único como paradigma del sindicalismo postnacional. Los sindicatos del Cono Sur adoptaron diversas modalidades de acción colectiva: a) reactiva (con repertorios de insubordinación, de lucha y resistencia al modelo neoliberal), b) proactiva (con repertorios de incidencia normativa en el MERCOSUR) y c) participativa (con repertorios de producción propositiva de incidencia en la dimensión social del MERCOSUR). Su acción colectiva reactiva, normativa y propositiva fue eficaz a mediano plazo para participar e incidir en el MERCOSUR, crear una dimensión social del bloque y dotar de derechos normativos a los ciudadanos de la región. Su acción tuvo un sentido político de gran poder instituyente, con capacidad movilización y alta exposición pública. Sin embargo, en la segunda década su lógica de construcción quedó subordinada a los procesos nacionales y a los partidos gobernantes, dejó de ser performativa y de creación política, dirimiéndose en la esfera social junto a otros movimientos sociales emergentes, y provocó un ciclo de desmovilización. Simultáneamente, emergió con fuerza otra modalidad de sindicalismo postnacional con la fusión y refundación de los Sindicatos Globales. Su acción sectorial contribuye a restaurar las demandas de distribución que habían quedado soslayadas, pero esta tesis manifiesta que los protagonistas afirman que sus marcos de acción colectiva deberán ser conjuntos para ser exitosa. El sindicalismo postnacional en el MERCOSUR se define a sí mismos como agente de desarrollo, protagonista del modelo socioproductivo, pero también como vehículo partícipe de la democracia y de una matriz sustentable de desarrollo

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Resumen: En un contexto comparativo se van a analizar los motivos que dieron inicio a la aparición de estados monárquicos de gran territorialidad a finales del período arcaico en la periferia de la ecumene, Sicilia y bósporo cimérico. Sobre estas apariciones se va a tratar de presentar algunos argumentos que expliquen, por lo menos en parte, qué condujo a que estas polis se sometan en forma aparentemente voluntaria a un estado monárquico. Como hipótesis se plantea que los cimientos para este desarrollo van a manifestarse a fines del período arcaico como reacción contra procesos externos y/o de tensión social interna. En ese marco, se van a presentar en este trabajo el contexto y los motivos, que puedan arrojar luz sobre las razones que dieron origen y llevaron a la estabilización de estas construcciones políticas.

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Am 25. März 2003 verstarb mit 61 Jahren nach längerer, schwerer Krankheit Prof. Dr. Volkert Dethlefsen,kurz nach seinem Ausscheiden aus dem Institut für Fischereiökologie der Bundesforschungsanstalt für Fischerei, wo er als Wissenschaftlicher Direktor tätig war. Er hinterlässt seine Frau und zwei Töchter, denen unser Mitgefühl gilt. Prof. Dethlefsen wurde am 27. Juni 1941 in Niebüll geboren. Von 1964 bis 1970 studierte er Fischereibiologie an der Universität Hamburg und beendete das Studium 1970 mit einer Diplomarbeit über die Biologie und Verbreitung des Muschelparasiten Mytilicola intestinalis an der deutschen Nordseeküste. 1975 promovierte er mit einer Arbeit über den Einfluss von Schadstoffen auf frühe Lebensstadien von Kabeljau, Flunder und Scholle. 1990 habilitierte er sich an der Universität Hamburg, wo er 1995 die Venia Legendi erhielt und 2002 zum Professor ernannt wurde.

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„Fischerei-Forschungskutter ,Solea‘ einsatzbereit“ – unter dieser Titelzeile meldete die führende deutsche Fachzeitschrift für Schiffbau und Schiffahrt „Schiff und Hafen“ in ihrer Juli-Ausgabe 1974 die Ablieferung der „Solea“ durch die Schiffswerft und Maschinenfabrik Max Siegholt, Bremerhaven, an das Bundesministerium für Ernährung, Landwirtschaft und Forsten am 29. 5. 1974. Mit dem Bau dieses Schiffes wurde eine Lücke in der deutschen Fischereiforschung geschlossen, die sich für die Arbeit der Bundesforschungsanstalt für Fischerei in zunehmendem Maße als hinderlich erwiesen hatte.

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Die Konzepte für das Fischereimanagement haben in den vergangenen hundert Jahren eine tiefgreifende Wandlung durchgemacht. Sie entwickelten sich in der zweiten Hälfte des vergangenen Jahrhunderts von monospezifischen Ansätzen, in denen einzelne Populationen oder Bestände weitgehend isoliert betrachtet wurden, zum Multispecies-Management, das auch Wechselbeziehungen zwischen genutzten Arten berücksichtigte. Die stark verbesserten Ortungs- und Fangtechniken und die Nutzung noch unterfischter Fanggründe und Bestände hielten die Anlandungen eine Zeitlang auf hohem Niveau. Die rückläufigen Weltfischereierträge in den letzten Dekaden des vergangenen Jahrhunderts, der Kollaps wichtiger Fischereien und die auch von der Fischerei zu verantwortende fortschreitende Degradierung mariner Ökosysteme zeigten jedoch, dass eine nachhaltige Nutzung der fischereilichen Ressourcen bei gleichzeitiger Erhaltung der Ökosysteme mit diesen Konzepten nicht möglich ist. Angesichts dieses Offenbarungseids und unter dem zunehmenden Druck der Naturschützer wurden daher die Konzepte des ökosystemverträglichen Fischereimanagements (EBFM, ecosystem-based fisheries management) und des räumlichen Fischereimanagements (SM, spatial management) entwickelt, bei denen die Prioritäten umgedreht sind: Das Management geht nicht mehr vom Fischereiobjekt, sondern vom Ökosystem aus, das horizontal und vertikal in Zonen unterteilt wird, die zu verschiedenen Zeiten befischt oder unter Schutz gestellt werden können. EBFM zielt darauf ab, gesunde Ökosysteme inklusive der Fischereien zu erhalten, die von diesen Ökosystemen ohne Schädigung getragen werden. Möglicherweise sind diese neuen Konzepte nur wenig realistischer als die Ideen vom langfristigen Dauerertrag oder dem der nachhaltigen Fischerei, die der realen Welt überdimensionierter Fangflotten, unersättlicher Märkte und zahlreicher politischer Fehlentscheidungen nicht standhielten. Die traurige Tatsache ist, dass nicht nur die Fischerei, sondern auch die marinen Ökosysteme sich in einem sehr schlechten Zustand befinden. Um dem abzuhelfen, sind u.a. Schutzgebiete vorgesehen, in denen die Fischerei eingeschränkt oder verboten ist. Zusammen mit anderen Nutzungen wie Offshore-Windparks bedeutet diese neue Raumordnung einen massiven Eingriff in die bisherigen Rechte und Gewohnheiten der Fischer. In dieser Arbeit werden vor dem Hintergrund der Ökosystem-Degradierung einige grundlegende ökologische Zusammenhänge in natürlichen, befischten und geschützten marinen Systemen diskutiert. Dabei stützen wir uns auf empirische und experimentelle Befunde aus Nord- und Ostsee sowie anderen marinen Ökosystemen. Unter dem Strich sollten Schutzgebiete im Rahmen der neuen Managementkonzepte langfristig auch der Fischerei dienen; inwieweit allerdings eine Fischerei unter der künftigen Raumordnung noch sinnvoll ist, steht dahin.

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O fato de se enxergar a tarefa do direito penal na proteção de bens jurídicos contra a colocação em perigo e lesão destes, tornou-se quase uma unanimidade na teoria do direito penal. Objetivo deste trabalho é investigar se é possível, a partir da teoria de proteção a bens jurídicos, derivar um critério para limitar a intervenção jurídico-penal. De acordo com este estudo é impossível a partir desta teoria desenvolver um critério que esteja em condição de limitar o poder punitivo. Que isto é assim, deriva-se do fato de que a a teoria de proteção a bens jurídicos inaugura uma verdadeira função de maximização da eficiência da proteção. Esta função carrega, contudo, uma série de problemas. Em primeiro lugar, permite tanto a antecipação da punibilidade como também o recrudescimento da punição em nome de uma proteção mais efetiva. Esta circunstãncia ignora, contudo, o valor absoluto da pessoa humana. Em segundo lugar, há a problemática empírica da teoria de proteção a bens jurídicos. Com outras palavras: para ser eficiente, a proteção penal precisa de constante comprovação empírica. É, porém, eficiente esta proteção? Que isto não é o caso, a própria realidade do direito penal nos revela. Em terceiro lugar, a função de proteção exige a adoção de uma teoria preventiva da pena. Isto viola também o valor absoluto da pessoa humana. Em quarto lugar, a função de proteção não põe qualquer obstáculo à prerrogativa de valoração do legislador. Por fim, a função de proteção não fornece nenhuma base apodítica para respeitar a pessoa humana, porque ela se ocupa essencialmente de aspectos juspositivos e contingenciais. O presente trabalho oferece uma nova definição de bem jurídico que se funda na fenomenologia de Husserl, e tenta limitar o poder punitivo por meio do desenvolvimento de uma teoria da absolutidade do valor intrínseco da pessoa humana. De acordo com essas considerações, bem jurídico é a possibilidade da pessoa humana de actualizar vivências no mundo da vida na forma esquemática de uma relação intencional entre aquela pessoa e um objeto que é de valor para ela. De acordo com a concepção de Scheler, que aqui é adotada, a pessoa humana é justamente aquela unidade, que consiste em todas as distintas essências, de modo que a pessoa é a unidade concreta, e mesmo essencial, de atos de diferentes essências, que em si precede todas as diferenças essenciais de atos. Essencial á pessoa é ainda o poder-fazer como fato puramente fenomenal, que existe por meio do corpo. A pessoa tem sempre um valor positivo-absoluto, o que significa que ela jamais pode ser considerada como objeto.

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Trata-se de uma dissertação sobre a atividade do Conselho de Direitos Humanos das Nações Unidas na promoção e proteção destes direitos em países com influência islâmica marcante. Compõem o presente trabalho tanto a análise da eficácia do Conselho em relação a ditos Estados quanto um estudo sobre os principais princípios e valores encontrados no direito do Islã, de modo a determinar o grau de compatibilidade entre este e as exigências universais por respeito à normativa internacional de proteção dos direitos humanos. A primeira parte da obra volta um olhar crítico à passagem de diversos países muçulmanos pelo mecanismo do Exame Universal Periódico do Conselho de Direitos Humanos. Na segunda parte, intenta-se buscar uma fundamentação para os direitos humanos a partir da realidade das coisas, de modo a possibilitar sua compreensão e justificar sua exigência por parte de todos os integrantes da sociedade internacional. Na terceira parte, por fim, traça-se um perfil básico do direito islâmico, com especial enfoque nos pontos de conflito com os direitos humanos