817 resultados para estudios internacionales


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El Consejo de Jefas y Jefes de Estado y de Gobierno de la Unión de Naciones Suramericanas UNASUR, reunidos en la ciudad de Mendoza, República Argentina, en fecha 29 de junio de 2012, en sesión extraordinaria, en concordancia con la Decisión No. 25 de fecha 27 de junio del 2012, a los fines de considerar la situación política en la República del Paraguay, que condujo a la destitución de su Presidente Fernando Lugo.

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Consejo de Jefas y Jefes de Estado y de Gobierno de UNASUR, reunido en sesión extraordinaria en Lima el 18 de abril de 2013, acuerda la designación de una Comisión de UNASUR para acompañar la investigación de los hechos violentos del 15 de abril de 2013.

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Desde el año 2008, los países de la zona euro conocen una crisis muy profunda que no tiene visos de concluir. Las recientes decepciones de varios países del sur de Europa (España, Grecia y Chipre) podrían sugerir que esta crisis es el resultado de decisiones políticas no adecuadas o de la crisis financiera mundial. La idea principal de este artículo es que los fundamentos de la crisis actual de la zona euro son mucho más complejos que aquellos expuestos de forma cotidiana por la prensa e incluso por analistas económicos. En el caso del euro, los problemas ocurridos son resultado principalmente de una arquitectura monetaria y financiera incoherente e incompleta. El euro nació como una moneda única con deficiencias estructurales e institucionales que no han sido corregidas desde su creación e implementación.

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Colombian foreign policy has gone through important transformations in its formulation and implementation. Through a Neoclassical Realist (NCR) analysis, this article discusses the domestic and systemic factors that have influenced the Foreign Policy Executive (FPE) in Colombia. It makes a historical journey through different presidential terms, ranging from the loss of Panama in 1903, to the adverse decision of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in 2012, which stripped Bogotá of a significant portion of its Caribbean Sea. This analysis reveals problems in the formulation of Colombian foreign policy due to a weak foreign service, a complex relationship with the United States and the country’s internal conflict; it is argued that if these factors were to be reduced or disappear, a new form of foreign policy in the country would be facilitated in the twenty-first century.

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The ten years since the Olivos Protocol entered into force represent a milestone in Mercosur’s dispute-resolution system. In this sense, this paper aims to analyze the antecedents of the present system (Annex III of Asuncion Treaty and Brasilia Protocol), and evaluate the present conflict-resolution mechanisms, with special reference to the innovations introduced in this respect and disputes resolved under the Olivos Protocol. Finally, the article analyzes some of the possible paths that the dispute-resolution system might take in the future.

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Within the framework of post-liberal regionalist strategies that emerge and consolidate in the 21st century, the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) represents one of the integrationist initiatives that attaches more importance to South-South Cooperation. The article argues, at the same time, that CELAC may become a future mechanism for regional governance due to its potential for integration, the advancement of political dialogue and diplomatic consensus as well as the promotion of development and international cooperation.

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The text shows the heterogeneous views of various Latin American countries, like Mexico, Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Colombia and Venezuela, in terms of their analyses of and studies about foreign policy. This paper aims to make clear the different images that China generates as a rising power in the world economy, particularly as a major trade partner of these countries. The goal of this article is to provide elements for analysis about policy coordination vis-àvis China. The central argument states that there should be coordination between regional integration strategies and foreign policies in relation to China. However, these heterogeneous visions can work against that goal as well.

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This paper analyzes the People’s Republic of China economic and political ascendance in the 21st century, focusing on the evolution of its sui géneris economic development model and its significance for the relationship between China and the developing countries of the peripheral ‘Global South.’ The objective of this article is to analyze the relationship between China and Latin America in the 21st century, characterizing it as a new Center-periphery global power network based on trade and investment, which is often referred to as the ‘Asian Consensus’. The article will give special attention to the Brazilian case.

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In the last decade, the presence of China in Latin America has been characterized by a model of economic cooperation based on pragmatic principles of complementarity and mutual benefits. Latin America is presented as a “paradise” of natural resources and expanding markets, while China stands as the main financier and investor in the region. In this scenario, particularly since 2009, Ecuador has become one of the top recipients of Chinese funding and investment, mainly in strategic sectors such as energy and infrastructure. The presence of China in the country has been the subject of extensive discussions about the true benefits and costs behind its model of economic cooperation.

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This paper states that even though the Antarctic Treaty is a remarkable instrument for peaceful collaboration and scientific research, it is, basically, a by-product of the Cold War that reaffirms a particular status quo. This paper explores whether the ATS will meet the needs of an emerging world order. Particularly, the paper evaluates the ATS in the face of new global challenges, both internal and external to the Antarctic Treaty System (ATS) itself, as well as power shifting processes on a world scale, climate change and the changing interests of new states. China is a key component in understanding this issue because its Antarctic engagement is entering a new phase one that challenges current multilateral provisions. China’s Antarctic program will be analyzed within the framework of International Relations approaches and theories.

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Since the creation of Union of South American Nations (UNASUR), health policies have become a strategic element in dealing with the impact of neoliberal policies in the region. The aim of this paper is: first, to describe the social, political and economic processes that explain the emergence of UNASUR and its focus on social policy through health care, and second, how through UNASUR Health, health became the engine behind a new kind of health diplomacy. This article hopes to contribute to the debate on the new forms of health diplomacy and the role of regional organizations concentrating on health policies as a centrepiece of their regional integration efforts and the reduction of social inequalities.

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At present developing countries have found it necessary to set up integration mechanisms to remove barriers in order to promote trade. For this reason, countries have made efforts to encourage and develop local industries in order to offer attractive products to foreign markets and boost economic growth. In Latin America, the Andean Community (CAN) is one of the oldest integration process in Latin America. Ecuador, like other members of CAN, has had good results as a member of the CAN. Based on survey data this paper overviews some of the experiences, processes implemented, and commercialization efforts undertaken by manufacturing export companies in the manufacturing industrial sector (plastic, food and beverages) in the city of Guayaquil.

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Formando parte importante del conjunto de los países en vías de desarrollo, América Latina y el Caribe constituyen una fuerza relevante en el actual escenario internacional. Las nuevas circunstancias traen renovadas oportunidades de desarrollo para las relaciones sino-latinoamericanas y no-caribeñas. La elaboración por parte del Gobierno chino del Documento sobre la Política hacia América Latina y el Caribe tiene como propósito manifestar con mayor claridad los objetivos de la política china hacia la región, plantear los principios rectores de la cooperación en las diversas áreas durante un determinado período del futuro y promover el continuo desarrollo sano, estable e integral de las relaciones sino-latinoamericanas y sino-caribeñas.

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Los Jefes de Estado y de Gobierno y los Representantes Especiales de Brasil, China, así como Costa Rica, Cuba, Ecuador, Antigua y Barbuda, también miembros del Cuarteto de CELAC – y Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Guyana, México, Paraguay, Perú, Surinam, Uruguay y Venezuela, realizamos una reunión en Brasilia, el 17 de julio de 2014, bajo el tema “Igualdad y Beneficio Mutuo, Cooperación Recíproca y Desarrollo Común”, emiten una declaración conjunta reconociendo que el mundo está experimentando por un proceso de globalización económica y cambio político y que nuestros países tienen un rol clave que desempeñar contribuyendo a la paz, la estabilidad, el crecimiento inclusivo y el desarrollo sostenible, la prosperidad y para la forja de un mundo multipolar.

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MORAES, Maísa Suares Teixeira; ROLIM, Lariane Thays Albuquerque; ENDERS, Bertha Cruz; FARIAS, Glaucea Maciel de; DAVIM, Rejane Marie Barbosa. Applicability of non-pharmacological strategies for pain relief in parturient: integrative review. Revista de Enfermagem UFPE on line, v.4, n.especial, p.131-136, May/June 2010. Disponivel em:< http://www.ufpe.br/revistaenfermagem/index.php/revista/>.