Parker Morris and the Fordist House

6.00 pm. If people like watching T.V. while they are eating their evening meal, space for a low table is needed (Ministry of Housing and Local Government, Space in the Home, 1963, p. 4).

This paper re-examines the 1961 Parker Morris report on housing standards in Britain. It explores the origins, scope, text and iconography of the report and suggests that these not only express a particularly modernist conception of space but one which presupposed very specific economic conditions and geographies.

Also known as Homes for Today and Tomorrow Parker Morris attempted, through the application of scientific principles, to define the minimum living space standards needed to accommodate household activities. But while early modernist research into notions of existenzminimum were the work of avant-garde architects and thinkers, Homes for Today and Tomorrow and its sister design manual Space in the Home were commissioned by the British State. This normalization of scientific enquiry into space can be considered not only as a response to new conditions in the mass production of housing – economies of scale, prefabrication, system-building and modular coordination – but also to the post-war boom in consumer goods. In this, it is suggested that the domestic interior was assigned a key role as a privileged site of mass consumption as the production and micro-management of space in Britain became integral to the development of a planned national economy underpinned by Fordist principles. Parker Morris, therefore, sought to accommodate activities which were pre-determined not so much by traditional social or familial ties but rather by recently introduced commodities such as the television set, white goods, table tennis tables and train sets. This relationship between the domestic interior and the national economy are emblematized by the series of placeless and scale-less diagrams executed by Gordon Cullen in Space in the Home. Here, walls dissolve as space flows from inside to outside in a homogenized and ephemeral landscape whose limits are perhaps only the boundaries of the nation state and the circuits of capital.

In Britain, Parker Morris was the last explicit State-sponsored attempt to prescribe a normative spatial programme for national living. The calm neutral efficiency of family-life expressed in its diagrams was almost immediately problematised by the rise of 1960s counter-culture, the feminist movement and the oil crisis of 1972 which altered perhaps forever the spatial, temporal and economic conditions it had taken for granted. The debate on space-standards, however, continues.

Sustainability indicators and local governance in Portugal

Esta tese tem como principal objectivo compreender o papel dos indicadores de sustentabilidade na governação local em Portugal, bem como perceber o seu potencial para transformar práticas institucionais correntes para o desenvolvimento sustentável. As duas últimas décadas têm testemunhado um crescente debate em torno dos indicadores de sustentabilidade e três abordagens específicas da literatura ganharam corpo: a ‘técnica’, a ‘participativa’ e a de ‘governação’. Esta tese pretende contribuir para a abordagem mais recente e menos explorada da ‘governação’, através do estudo da realidade local portuguesa. Considera crucial perceber como e em que circunstâncias e contextos o papel destes indicadores pode ser diminuído ou potenciado. Desta forma, pretende avaliar se e de que forma é que os indicadores de sustentabilidade têm contribuído para alterar e desafiar contextos de governação locais para o desenvolvimento sustentável no nosso país e se e de que forma estes indicadores têm sido usados. Foram seleccionados e analisados em detalhe sete casos-de-estudo na tentativa de compreender cada um e de construir uma grelha comparativa entre eles utilizando como suporte normativo um conjunto de critérios ‘ideais’ de boa governação. Assim, a tese identifica os principais obstáculos da construção destes indicadores em Portugal, bem como os seus principais contributos positivos e usos. Enquadra igualmente as suas conclusões no contexto de outras experiências locais Europeias e tenta formular algumas recomendações para reforçar o potencial contributo e a utilização destes indicadores. Através dos casos-de-estudo, foi possível verificar que a sua implementação não tem contribuído para fortalecer o diálogo entre os diferentes níveis de governo, para promover a participação de mais actores nas redes de governação, ou mesmo para melhorar mecanismos de participação e comunicação entre governos, cidadãos e actores locais. De qualquer forma, é importante acrescentar que as experiências mais bem sucedidas permitiram efectivamente mudar as capacidades dos governos locais na coordenação horizontal de políticas sectoriais, nomeadamente através de novas relações entre departamentos, novas rotinas de trabalho, novas culturas de recolha e tratamento de dados locais, novos estímulos de aprendizagem, entre muitas outras. O maior desafio coloca-se agora na transposição destes efeitos positivos para fora da esfera governamental. Esperamos que a tese possa contribuir para que decisores políticos, técnicos, académicos e comunidades locais encarem os indicadores de sustentabilidade como processos de aprendizagem que melhoram a capacidade das cidades enfrentarem os complexos desafios e as incertezas do desenvolvimento sustentável.

The neo-liberal state and the crisis of public service broadcasting in the Anglo-American democracies /

The NeO'liberal State and the Crisis ofPublic Service Broadcasting in the Anglo-American Democracies The purpose ofthis analysis ofthe present condition ofpublic service broadcasting in the Anglo- American democracies was to investigate whether such media can still be regarded as the primarypublic spherefor a dialogue between each nation 's civil society and the State. The motivationfor this thesis was based on a presumption that such fora for public discussion on the central issues of each society have become viewed as less relevant bypoliticians andpolicy-makers and thepublics they were intended to serve in the Anglo-American democracies over thepast two decades. It is speculated that this is the case because ofa beliefthat the post-war consensus between the respective States andpublics that led to the construction of the Keynesian Welfare State and the notion ofpublic service broadcasting has been displaced by an individualistic, neo-liberal, laissez-faire ideology. In other words, broadcasting as a consumer-oriented, commercial commodity has superseded concerns pertaining to the importance ofthe public interest. The methodology employed in this thesis is a comparative analysisfrom a criticalpolitical economy perspective. It was considered appropriate to focus on the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada and the\ United States because they comprise the four largest Anglo-American nations with democratic political systems andprimarily market economies. Justificationfor this particular sample is reinforced by thefact that case study countries also share a common socio-political and economic tradition. The evidence assembledfor this thesis consisted almost exclusively ofexisting literature on the subjects ofpublic service broadcasting, global economic andpolitical integration, and the ascendance ofthe 'free-market ' ethos in Western democracies since the late mid- to late-1970s. In essence, this thesis could be considered as a reinterpretation ofthe existing literature relevant to these issues. Several important common features werefound among the political, economic and broadcasting systems of the four case study nations. It is proposed that the prevalence of the neo-liberal world view throughout the political and policy environments of the four countries has undermined the stability and credibility of each nation 's national public service broadcasting organization, although with varying intensity and effect,. Deregulation ofeach nation 's broadcasting system and the supremacy ofthe notion of 'consumer sovereignty' have marginalized the view of broadcasting on any basis other than strictly economic criteria in thefour case study countries. This thesis concludes that,for a reconstruction ofa trulyparticipatory anddemocraticpublicsphere to be realized in the present as well as thefuture, a reassessment ofthe conventional concept ofthe 'public sphere ' is necessary. Therefore, it is recommended that thefocus ofpolicy-makers in each Anglo-American democracy be redirectedfrom that which conceived ofan all-encompassing, large, state-ownedand operated public broadcasting service toward a view which considers alternativeforms ofpublic communication, such as local community and ethnic broadcasting operations, that are likely to be more responsive to the needs of the increasingly diverse and heterogeneous populations that comprise the modem Anglo-American democracies. The traditional conception of public broadcasters must change in accordance with its contemporary environment if the fundamental principles of the public sphere and public service broadcasting are to be realized.

Advocating recognition and redistribution in poverty alleviation programs in Ghana : an examination of state and NGO programs and policies

Abstract This thesis argues that poverty alleviation strategies and programs carried out by the government and Non Governmental Organizations in Ghana provide affirmative solutions to poverty. This is because, these intervention strategies have been influenced by conventional discourses on poverty that fail to adequately address non-economic issues of poverty such as powerlessness, marginalization and tmder-representation. The study is carried out in a two-pronged manner; first, it analyses state policies and strategies, particularly the Ghana Poverty Reduction Strategy (GPRS), on poverty alleviation and compares these to NGO programs, implemented with funds and support from external donor organizations. Specifically, I focus on how NGOs and the governnlent of Ghana negotiate autonomy and financial dependency with their funding donor-partners and how these affect their policies and programs. Findings from this study reveal that while external influences dominate poverty alleviation policies and strategies, NGOs and the government of Ghana exercise varying degrees of agency in navigating these issues. In particular, NGOs have been able to adapt their programs to the changing needs of donor markets, and are also actively engaged in re-orienting poverty back to the political domain through advocacy campaigns. Overall, rural communities in Ghana depend on charitable NGOs for the provision of essential social services, while the Ghanaian government depends on international donor assistance for its development projects.

Higher Education Governance in Vietnam: University Action, the State and Changing Relationships

Diese Dissertation stellt eine Studie da, welche sich mit den Änderungen in der Governance der Hochschulbildung in Vietnam beschäftigt. Das zentrale Ziel dieser Forschungsarbeit ist die Untersuchung der Herkunft und Änderung in der Beziehung der Mächte zwischen dem vietnamesischen Staat und den Hochschulbildungsinstituten (HI), welche hauptsächlich aus der Interaktion dieser beiden Akteure resultiert. Die Macht dieser beiden Akteure wurde im sozialen Bereich konstruiert und ist hauptsächlich durch ihre Nützlichkeit und Beiträge für die Hochschulbildung bestimmt. Diese Arbeit beschäftigt sich dabei besonders mit dem Aspekt der Lehrqualität. Diese Studie nimmt dabei die Perspektive einer allgemeinen Governance ein, um die Beziehung zwischen Staat und HI zu erforschen. Zudem verwendet sie die „Resource Dependence Theory“ (RDT), um das Verhalten der HI in Bezug auf die sich verändernde Umgebung zu untersuchen, welche durch die Politik und eine abnehmende Finanzierung charakterisiert ist. Durch eine empirische Untersuchung der Regierungspolitik sowie der internen Steuerung und den Praktiken der vier führenden Universitäten kommt die Studie zu dem Schluss, dass unter Berücksichtigung des Drucks der Schaffung von Einkommen die vietnamesischen Universitäten sowohl Strategien als auch Taktiken entwickelt haben, um Ressourcenflüsse und Legitimität zu kontrollieren. Die Entscheidungs- und Zielfindung der Komitees, die aus einer Mehrheit von Akademikern bestehen, sind dabei mächtiger als die der Manager. Daher werden bei initiativen Handlungen der Universitäten größtenteils Akademiker mit einbezogen. Gestützt auf die sich entwickelnden Muster der Ressourcenbeiträge von Akademikern und Studierenden für die Hochschulbildung prognostiziert die Studie eine aufstrebende Governance Konfiguration, bei der die Dimensionen der akademischen Selbstverwaltung und des Wettbewerbsmarktes stärker werden und die Regulation des Staates rational zunimmt. Das derzeitige institutionelle Design und administrative System des Landes, die spezifische Gewichtung und die Koordinationsmechanismen, auch als sogenanntes effektives Aufsichtssystem zwischen den drei Schlüsselakteuren - der Staat, die HI/Akademiker und die Studierenden – bezeichnet, brauchen eine lange Zeit zur Detektion und Etablierung. In der aktuellen Phase der Suche nach einem solchen System sollte die Regierung Management-Tools stärken, wie zum Beispiel die Akkreditierung, belohnende und marktbasierte Instrumente und das Treffen informations-basierter Entscheidungen. Darüber hinaus ist es notwendig die Transparenz der Politik zu erhöhen und mehr Informationen offenzulegen.

Equality, reasonableness and gender in the process of constitutionalization and internationalization of law

The themes of this paper are equality, reasonableness and gender rights in the dynamics of two sequential and convergent processes: the constitutionalization of judicial law, and the internationalization of constitutional law. The thesis of this paper is that in the face of non-compliance of the obligation to regulate, guarantee and protect gender rights, the best option has been to strengthen judicial law, which has enabled the development of rules for protection, the adoption of contemporary methods of interpretation and adjudication of the law, as well as the resolution of shortfalls in protection based on said processes of the constitutionalization and internationalization of local law.

Making 'dirty' nations look clean? The nation state and the problem of selecting and weighting indices as tools for measuring progress towards sustainability

Pressing global environmental problems highlight the need to develop tools to measure progress towards "sustainability." However, some argue that any such attempt inevitably reflects the views of those creating such tools and only produce highly contested notions of "reality." To explore this tension, we critically assesses the Environmental Sustainability Index (ESI), a well-publicized product of the World Economic Forum that is designed to measure 'sustainability' by ranking nations on league tables based on extensive databases of environmental indicators. By recreating this index, and then using statistical tools (principal components analysis) to test relations between various components of the index, we challenge ways in which countries are ranked in the ESI. Based on this analysis, we suggest (1) that the approach taken to aggregate, interpret and present the ESI creates a misleading impression that Western countries are more sustainable than the developing world; (2) that unaccounted methodological biases allowed the authors of the ESI to over-generalize the relative 'sustainability' of different countries; and, (3) that this has resulted in simplistic conclusions on the relation between economic growth and environmental sustainability. This criticism should not be interpreted as a call for the abandonment of efforts to create standardized comparable data. Instead, this paper proposes that indicator selection and data collection should draw on a range of voices, including local stakeholders as well as international experts. We also propose that aggregating data into final league ranking tables is too prone to error and creates the illusion of absolute and categorical interpretations. (c) 2004 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Sparse kernel density construction using orthogonal forward regression with leave-one-out test score and local regularization

This paper presents an efficient construction algorithm for obtaining sparse kernel density estimates based on a regression approach that directly optimizes model generalization capability. Computational efficiency of the density construction is ensured using an orthogonal forward regression, and the algorithm incrementally minimizes the leave-one-out test score. A local regularization method is incorporated naturally into the density construction process to further enforce sparsity. An additional advantage of the proposed algorithm is that it is fully automatic and the user is not required to specify any criterion to terminate the density construction procedure. This is in contrast to an existing state-of-art kernel density estimation method using the support vector machine (SVM), where the user is required to specify some critical algorithm parameter. Several examples are included to demonstrate the ability of the proposed algorithm to effectively construct a very sparse kernel density estimate with comparable accuracy to that of the full sample optimized Parzen window density estimate. Our experimental results also demonstrate that the proposed algorithm compares favorably with the SVM method, in terms of both test accuracy and sparsity, for constructing kernel density estimates.

Global and local expression of chirality in serine on the Cu{110} surface

Establishing a molecular-level understanding of enantioselectivity and chiral resolution at the organic−inorganic interfaces is a key challenge in the field of heterogeneous catalysis. As a model system, we investigate the adsorption geometry of serine on Cu{110} using a combination of low-energy electron diffraction (LEED), scanning tunneling microscopy (STM), X-ray photoelectron spectroscopy (XPS), and near-edge X-ray absorption fine structure (NEXAFS) spectroscopy. The chirality of enantiopure chemisorbed layers, where serine is in its deprotonated (anionic) state, is expressed at three levels: (i) the molecules form dimers whose orientation with respect to the substrate depends on the molecular chirality, (ii) dimers of l- and d-enantiomers aggregate into superstructures with chiral (−1 2; 4 0) lattices, respectively, which are mirror images of each other, and (iii) small islands have elongated shapes with the dominant direction depending on the chirality of the molecules. Dimer and superlattice formation can be explained in terms of intra- and interdimer bonds involving carboxylate, amino, and β−OH groups. The stability of the layers increases with the size of ordered islands. In racemic mixtures, we observe chiral resolution into small ordered enantiopure islands, which appears to be driven by the formation of homochiral dimer subunits and the directionality of interdimer hydrogen bonds. These islands show the same enantiospecific elongated shapes those as in low-coverage enantiopure layers.

Os programas de incentivo à cultura e o processo de fomento às organizações culturais no rio grande do norte: o caso da Casa da Ribeira em Natal

Since the emergence of the first demands for actions that were intended to give greater attention to culture in Brazil, came the first discussions which concerned the way the Brazilian government could have a positive influence in encouraging the culture, as is its interaction with the actors interested and involved with the cause. During the military dictatorship, there were programs which relied on the direct participation of the State to ensure that right, from the viewpoint of its support and implementation of public resources in developing the "cultural product" to be brought to society in its various forms of expression - all this, funded by the government. It is an example of "EMBRAFILMES" and "Projeto Seis e Meia", continued until the present day in some regions of the country, though maintained by entities not directly connected with the administration or the government. However, it was from the period of democratization and the end of the dictatorship that the Brazilian government began to look at the different culture, under its guarantee to the society. Came the first incentive laws, led by "Lei Sarney" Nº 7.505/86, which was culture as a segment which could receive foreign assistance in order to assist the government in fulfilling its public duty. After Collor era and the end of the embargo through the encouragement of culture incentive laws, consolidated the incentive model proposed in advance of Culture "Lei Sarney" and the federal laws, state and local regimentares as close to this action. This applies to the Rouanet Law (Lei Rouanet), Câmara Cascudo Law (Lei Câmara Cascudo) and Djalma Maranhão Cultural Incentive Law (Lei de Incentivo à Cultura Djalma Maranhão), existing in Natal and Rio Grande do Norte. Since then, business entities could help groups and cultural organizations to keep their work from the political sponsorship under control and regiment through the Brazilian state in the form of their Cultural Incentive Law. This framework has contributed to the strengthening of NGOs and with the consolidation of these institutions as the linchpin of Republican guaranteeing the right to access to culture, but corporate social responsibility was the one who took off in the segment treated here, through the actions of Responsibility Cultural enterprises arising from the Cultural Organizations. Therefore, in the face of this discourse, this study ascertains the process of encouraging the Culture in Rio Grande do Norte from the Deviant Case Analysis at the Casa da Ribeira, the main Cultural Organization that operates, focused action in Natal in order to assess the relationships established between the same entity and the institutions which are entitled to maintain the process of encouraging treated in this study - Enterprise, from the viewpoint of corporate sponsorship and Cultural Responsibility and State in the form of the Laws Incentive Funds and Public Culture Incentive

Lipid Peroxidation Is Associated with the Severity of Periodontal Disease and Local Inflammatory Markers in Patients with Type 2 Diabetes

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)