O controle social na construção e democratização da política de Assistência Social: o papel dos conselhos e a realidade de um município da Baixada Fluminense

A presente dissertação tem como propósito, a partir do processo de construção e democratização da Política de Assistência Social no Brasil, pós SUAS, analisar o controle social tendo como objeto o Conselho Municipal de Assistência Social do município de Mesquita, na região da Baixada Fluminense / RJ e as condições de trabalho dos Assistentes Sociais nesses espaços. Inicialmente, abordamos a Política de Assistência Social no Brasil, desde a criação da extinta Legião Brasileira de Assistência Social (LBA), até os dias atuais, ressaltando os avanços na parte jurídico-legal-normativa desta política, o que tem se tornado um campo propício e amplo para o mercado de trabalho dos assistentes sociais na contemporaneidade. No debate do controle social na Política de Assistência, destacamos três importantes temáticas: a relação das entidades da sociedade civil com os conselheiros governamentais, nos espaços de representação política, democrática, deliberativa e paritária nos conselhos de assistência social; a participação dos segmentos de usuários dos serviços sócio assistenciais do município de Mesquita e, ainda, as condições em que vem ocorrendo à participação dos assistentes sociais nos espaços de controle social no município, através de relações de trabalho precárias, no que se refere à desregulamentação de direitos sociais trabalhistas dos profissionais. Para o estudo, analisamos as Atas do período de 2011-2012, e realizamos entrevistas semi-estruturadas com os conselheiros governamentais e não governamentais do Conselho Municipal de Assistência Social de Mesquita (CMAS), que atuaram no mesmo período, gestão empossada em Dezembro de 2011, após resultado do processo eleitoral das entidades da sociedade civil do CMAS. Dentre os achados da investigação, a partir do material empírico, mediado pelo pensamento de autores que discutem esta temática e pela legislação destacam-se: a superioridade da Representação Governamental sobre a Representação da Sociedade Civil no CMAS; não monitoramento e fiscalização do saldo orçamentário pelo CMAS / Mesquita; precarização das relações de trabalho na SEMAS / Mesquita; descontinuidade do Programa de Capacitação dos Conselheiros do CMAS / Mesquita; despreparo técnico dos conselheiros para apreciação de prestação de contas no CMAS, com ausência de tempo hábil para análise; manipulação política por parte da representação governamental no CMAS; o poder de influência do governo é maior do que da sociedade civil; necessidade de capacitação técnica, e principalmente capacitação ética e política dos conselheiros governamentais e da sociedade civil; precariedade dos equipamentos públicos dos SEMAS / Mesquita; parca participação dos Usuários dos Serviços Socioassistenciais na esfera do conselho, dentre outros aspectos que serão tratados nesta dissertação. Em suma, estes são as principais conclusões de forma resumida e sintética que abordaremos mais detalhadamente nas considerações finais deste trabalho.

A Social and Economic Characterization of the U.S. Gulf of Mexico Recreational Shark Fishery

A mail survey of tournament shark anglers and party boat shark anglers was completed to examine their fishing activity, attitudes, trip expenditures, and consumer surplus. A sample of 700 shark anglers was selected from tournaments in the Gulf of Mexico during 1990, and a sample of party boat shark anglers was drawn from Port Aransas, Tex., party boat anglers during the summer of 1991. A response rate of 58% (excluding nondeliverables) was obtained from tournament anglers. The sample of party boat shark anglers was too small to provide useful results. Tournament shark anglers reported fishing an average of 58 days per year and targeted sharks and other large marine species. Tournaments occupy a small portion of their fishing effort. If this group of anglers were not able to fish for sharks, one-third indicated no other species would be an acceptable substitute, while others were willing to substitute other large marine species. Shark trip expenditures averaged $197 per trip with a consumer surplus of $111 per trip. Based on MRFSS estimates of the number of shark fishing trips, we estimate a total of $43,355,000 was spent by shark anglers in the Gulf of Mexico with a consumer surplus of $23,865,000 for a total gross value of the shark fishery of $66,220,000. MRFSS estimates of the number of sharks landed indicate an equivalent use value of $183 per shark.

O Mercosul social: avanços e obstáculos para uma nova dinâmica de integração regional

Este trabalho busca analisar a nova dinâmica do processo de integração no Mercosul, caracterizada pelo tratamento de temas sociais como direitos humanos, meio ambiente, saúde e educação, indicando o avanço de uma agenda social de integração que rompe com a tradição comercialista do bloco. O avanço de governos progressistas nos países membros contribuiu para essa nova lógica integradora, tendo estimulado também o aumento dos mecanismos de participação social, abrindo espaço para uma maior presença de atores sociais nas discussões relativas à integração. É objetivo da pesquisa avaliar qual é a efetiva influência desses novos atores no Mercosul, questionando-se a possível existência de uma esfera pública transnacional. Para chegar a uma resposta, o trabalho recorre a variáveis e conceitos como déficit democrático, transparência, representatividade e faz um estudo específico das características e dos meios de articulação de duas categorias sociais no bloco: as centrais sindicais e os empresários.

A gestão pública do Sistema Único de Assistência Social (SUAS) no município de Niterói/RJ: os Centros de Referência da Assistência Social (CRAS) no foco crítico

O presente trabalho insere-se no campo da Política de Assistência Social. Tem como objeto de estudo a concepção de Política de Assistência Social que embasa o processo de implementação da gestão do SUAS no município de Niterói e os fundamentos teóricos e conceituais da gestão pública do SUAS em tal localidade, tendo como recorte a execução dos serviços de proteção básica nos CRAS. O objetivo da tese é analisar a concepção de Assistência Social que orienta a gestão do SUAS em Niterói e, articuladamente a tal discussão, os fundamentos conceituais que pautam a gestão pública do SUAS, no que diz respeito às atividades de proteção social básica nos CRAS. Utilizou-se como instrumento para a realização deste trabalho a pesquisa bibliográfica, sendo que a discussão teórica abordou, primeiramente, as diferentes orientações da gestão pública no Brasil, vinculando-a com a intervenção do Estado no desenvolvimento do capitalismo brasileiro. O trabalho também apresenta o debate sobre a concepção da Política de Assistência Social, compreendendo que esta se reflete na condução da gestão pública do SUAS. Demonstrou-se as tendências da Assistência Social na contemporaneidade, que se vinculam no enfrentamento da pobreza (extrema) através de sua intervenção nos programas/ações de transferência de renda. Destacou-se a influência da gestão gerencial nos processos de gestão do SUAS. Para a análise da gestão do SUAS no município de Niterói, desenvolveu-se uma pesquisa qualitativa, através de pesquisa documental nas Atas do Conselho Municipal de Assistência Social CMAS de Niterói; nos Relatórios de Gestão da Secretaria Municipal de Assistência Social; nos documentos sobre o cofinanciamento para o SUAS no município; no Censo SUAS 2014 de Niterói, na área da gestão e dos CRAS; no Plano Brasil Sem Miséria no seu Município-Niterói; no Plano Municipal de Assistência Social 2014-2017. Também aplicou-se questionário, com questões abertas e fechadas, nos 8 CRAS de Niterói no ano de 2013. Verificou-se a relevância que ocupam, no município, as ações do Programa Bolsa Família, de cadastramento, de atendimentos, de acompanhamento familiar, em detrimento da constituição das ações coletivas dos serviços socioassistenciais. Tais características se articulam à totalidade histórica maior das tendências da Assistência Social e da intervenção do Estado brasileiro, que privilegia políticas sociais focalizadas e não universais em sua atuação em prol do capital financeiro. Constatou-se a apropriação dos elementos da gestão gerencial pelo órgão gestor municipal, no processo de implementação do SUAS no município, principalmente com relação ao cumprimento de resultados e metas pelos CRAS, e a subvalorização dos determinantes políticos da gestão pública, dificultando a constituição de uma perspectiva mais democrática de gestão no âmbito do SUAS em Niterói.

The Offstage of Democracy: The Problem of Social Dialogue in John Dewey’s and Walter Lippmann’s Writings

The aim of this article is to present and discuss John Dewey’s and Walter Lippmann’s views on the problem of communication in a democratic society, particularly their views on the question of a role of communication in forming social processes. First part of the paper outlines the framework of this problem and its meaning to the question of possibility of democracy. Part two is concerned with anthropological and socio-political considerations: I discuss the Deweyan and the Lippmannian understanding of individual, society, intelligence and democracy. In part three I examine in detail the problem of communication, with special attention given to the questions of the role of communication in forming social processes, the foundations and conditions of communication, the debaters, and a subject matter of a debate as well as the questions of who and what forms this debate and whether we can form it altogether.

Broadening public input into science policy decision making: can the democratic model for science communication influence scientific, innovation and technological trajectories?

This PhD thesis investigates the potential use of science communication models to engage a broader swathe of actors in decision making in relation to scientific and technological innovation in order to address possible democratic deficits in science and technology policy-making. A four-pronged research approach has been employed to examine different representations of the public(s) and different modes of engagement. The first case study investigates whether patient-groups could represent an alternative needs-driven approach to biomedical and health sciences R & D. This is followed by enquiry into the potential for Science Shops to represent a bottom-up approach to promote research and development of local relevance. The barriers and opportunities for the involvement of scientific researchers in science communication are next investigated via a national survey which is comparable to a similar survey conducted in the UK. The final case study investigates to what extent opposition or support regarding nanotechnology (as an emerging technology) is reflected amongst the YouTube user community and the findings are considered in the context of how support or opposition to new or emerging technologies can be addressed using conflict resolution based approaches to manage potential conflict trajectories. The research indicates that the majority of communication exercises of relevance to science policy and planning take the form of a one-way flow of information with little or no facility for public feedback. This thesis proposes that a more bottom-up approach to research and technology would help broaden acceptability and accountability for decisions made relating to new or existing technological trajectories. This approach could be better integrated with and complementary to government, institutional, e.g. university, and research funding agencies activities and help ensure that public needs and issues are better addressed directly by the research community. Such approaches could also facilitate empowerment of societal stakeholders regarding scientific literacy and agenda-setting. One-way information relays could be adapted to facilitate feedback from representative groups e.g. Non-governmental organisations or Civil Society Organisations (such as patient groups) in order to enhance the functioning and socio-economic relevance of knowledge-based societies to the betterment of human livelihoods.

CHASING THE SINGERS: THE TRANSITION OF LONG-SONG (URTYN DUU) IN POST-SOCIALIST MONGOLIA

Long-song (Urtyn duu) is a prominent Mongolian traditional folk song genre that survived throughout the socialist period (1921-1990) and throughout the political transformation of Mongolia from socialism to democratic capitalism after the Soviet Union was dismantled and terminated its aid to Mongolia in 1990. This dissertation, based on research conducted from 2006 to 2010, presents and investigates the traces of singers' stories and memories of their lives, songs, and singing, through the lens of the discourse on change and continuity in, and as, folk tradition. During the socialist period, this genre was first considered backward, and was then subtly transformed into an urban national style, with the formation of a boundary between professionalism and amateurism among long-song singers and with selective performance of certain songs and styles. This boundary was associated with politics and ideology and might be thought to have ended when the society entered its post-socialist period. However, the long-song genre continued to play a political role, with different kinds of political meaning one the one hand and only slight musical modification on the other. It was now used to present a more nostalgic and authentic new Mongolian identity in the post-socialist free market. Through my investigation, I argue that the historical transition of Mongolia encompassed not merely political or economic shifts, but also a deeper transformation that resulted in new cultural forms. Long-song provides a good case study of the complicated process of this cultural change.

The Equalization of Effective Communicative Freedom: Democratic Justice in the Constitutional State and Beyond

Jurgen Habermas takes the realization of rights through the democratic self-organization of legal communities to be the normative core of emancipatory politics. In this article I explore the implications of this claim in relation to the requirements of justice. I argue that Habermas's discourse theory of democratic legitimacy presupposes a substantive principle of justice that demands the equalization of effective communicative freedom for all structurally constituted social groups in any constitutional state. This involves the elimination of a range of structural injustices rooted in the complex interrelationships between political, economic and cultural orders. In the final section I sketch briefly the implications of this analysis in the context of ongoing globalization processes. It is suggested that the most effective way to establish a just system of global governance is to equalize effective communicative freedom among nation-states.

Multi-Party Negotiation When Agents Have Subjective Estimates of Bargaining Powers

This paper presents a method for generating Pareto-optimal solutions in multi-party negotiations. In this iterative method, decision makers (DMs) formulate proposals that yield a minimum payoff to their opponents. Each proposal belongs to the efficient frontier, DMs try to adjust to a common one. In this setting, each DM is supposed to have a given bargaining power. More precisely each DM is supposed to have a subjective estimate of the power of the different parties. We study the convergence of the method, and provide examples where there is no possible agreement resulting from it.

The trade unions membership dynamics and union members’ trajectories

This text presents an analysis of aggregated membership’s dynamics for Spanish trade unions, using ECVT data, as well as union memberships’ trajectories, or members’ decisions about joining the organization, permanency and responsibilities, and subsequent attrition. For the analysis of trajectories we make use of information of the records of actual memberships and the record of quitting of CCOO, and of a survey-questionnaire to a sample of leavers of the same union. This study allows us to confirm a linkage between the decision and motivations to become union member, to participate in union activities, the time of permanency, and the motives to quit the organization. We also identify five types of union members’ trajectories, indicating that, far from views that assert a monolithic structure, unions are complex organizations.

The proposal of democratic citizenship in Hannah Arendt

The main purpose of this paper is to analyze Hannah Arendt’s citizenship proposal. The central thesis is that this proposal is possible in contemporary democracies, and it is adequate for developing and strengthening of political action. The work is divided in five sections. In the first, we develop a brief introduction on the studied issue. In the second and third section, we analyze, respec-tively, political and moral conditions that enable democratic citizenship, and the conditions that hinder the exercise of the same, according to Arendt. Then, we reflect critically on Arendt’s citizenship proposal. Finally, we conclude and we propose a set of civic challenges relate to current democracies in light of the above proposal.

Key issues in the study of new and alternative social movements in Spain: The Left, Identity and Globalizing Processes

This article highlights the importance of dedicating a whole special issue on New and Alternative Social movements in Spain. It sets the basis for this endeavour by emphasizing the importance of the 2004, unexpected, electoral victory of the Spanish socialists, and the subsequent satisfaction of the important demands promoted by certain social movements actors and Spanish society in general (the withdrawal of Spanish troops from Iraq, the cancellation of the National Hydrological Plan and the Legalization of same sex marriages. The view supported is that these developments signify the end of a protest cycle, which could have the same effect with the early 1980s socialist victory. After a discussion around the low associationalism that characterizes Spanish society and recent experience of authoritarianism, it is suggested that it is time for the study of new and alternative social movements in Spain and other south European societies to move beyond the emphasis on exceptionality but appreciate differences by focusing on the available political opportunities and the identity of social movement actors. The remainder of the article is dedicated to introducing the contributing articles.