968 resultados para Seminole Indians.
Resumo:
In this paper the author points out to a old question of about 200 years ago in wich two kinds of opinions were discussed. BANCROFT and FONTANA in one hand atributes for the Indian arrow poison (curare) the propriety of uncoagulate the blood, and C. BEBNAHDJ, B. RODRIGUES and others made an contradictory opinion upon this subject. In our experiments, we utilized 4 curares samples from indians who lives near the Brazilian border at Colombia, the famous Ticunas poison, and the alkaloid d-Tubocurarine. These poisons were added in form of emulsion in saline to the blood and blood plasma in order to perform two kinds of experiments. In one serie of experiments we observed the effect of curare on human blood coagulation time according to LEE-WHITE technic puting 0.5 ml of the various poisons emulsions previously into the tube. By this method, we have found that the emulsion containing 0.1 g of the poison in 10 ml saline was the most effective (Table II), therefore we used this curare emulsion concentration in the other serie of experiments, in which we tested the action of these venoms on the human blood plasma prothrombins time, (Quick Technic) adding 0.1 ml of the saline poison emulsion to each 0.1 ml of human blood plasma. Results from these experiments can be seen on Table II. These experiments we have tried on one sample of human blood plasma plus the differents curares samples; and in another opportunity four samples of human blood plasma were tried with the curare from Ticunas indians (the most effective in this respect). Results from these experiments may be seen on Table III. All the poison tried in our experiments was previously tested on toads legs (B. crucifer) to verify his curares action. All times obtained with the experiments above, show highly significant results (P<001) when compared with the blood and blood plasma mixed with in the same volume of saline. Our results, point out that BANCROFT and FONTANA views upon the effect of curare on blood clothing time were correct. Curares enhance the blood clothing time "in vitro". But, in other hand, the work in that matter by NESI (6), and TISTHOUND (7) showing that d-Tubocurarine had no significant effect on blood clothing time of man and dogs "in vivo", made possible to conclude that the observations of C. BERNARD, B. RODRIGUES and others were also true. These discordance of opinions, we believe, may result as BANCROFT and FONTANA researches, were wade "in vitro" whereas C. Bernard, B. Rodrigues and others performed their experiments "in vivo".
Resumo:
Salvia divinorum Epling & Jativa is an hallucinogenic mint traditionally used for curing and divination by the Mazatec Indians of Oaxaca, Mexico. Young people from Mexican cities were reported to smoke dried leaves of S. divinorum as a marijuana substitute. Recently, two S. divinorum specimens were seized in a large-scale illicit in-door and out-door hemp plantation. Salvinorin A also called divinorin A, a trans-neoclerodane diterpene, was identified in several organic solvent extracts by gas chromatography-mass spectrometry. The botanical identity of the plant was confirmed by comparing it to an authentic herbarium specimen. More plants were then discovered in Swiss horticulturists greenhouses. All these data taken together suggest that many attempts exist in Switzerland to use S. divinorum as a recreational drug. This phenomenon may be enhanced because neither the magic mint, nor its active compound are banned substances listed in the Swiss narcotic law.
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The findings of intestinal helminths and protozoans parasites from the Yanomâmi indians of the Roraima State in Brazil are reported. The fecal samples were collected before these communities started a permanent contact with non-indians. Comments are made on the possible ecological and evolutionary factors responsible for the patterns of parasitism observed.
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Forty-tree (31.4%) out of 137 serum samples obtained from two Indian communities living in the Amazon region were found to be positive for HTLV-I antibody, as tested by enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay (Elisa). Eighty-two sera were collected from Mekranoiti Indians, yielding 39% of positivity, whereas 11 (20.0%) or the 55 Tiriyo serum samples had antibody to HTLV-I. In addition, positive results occurred in 10 (23.2%) out of 43 sera obtained from patients living in the Belem area, who were suffering from cancer affecting different organs. Five (16.7%) out of 30 Elisa positive specimens were also shown to be positive by either Western blot analysis (WB) or indirect immunogold electron microscopy (IIG-EM).
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In Brazil simian malaria is widely spread, being frequent in the Amazon region (10% of primates infected) and even more in the forested coastal mountains of the Southeastern and Southern regions (35% and 18% infected, respectively), but absent in the semi-arid Northeast. Only two species of plasmoidia have been found: the quartan-like Plasmodium brasilianum and the tertian-like P. simium, but the possible presence of other species is not excluded. P. brasilianum is found in all enzootic foci, but P. simium was detected only on the coast of the Southeastern and Southern regions, between parallels 20-S and 30-S. Nearly all hosts are monkeys (family Cebidae, 28 species harbouring plasmodia out of 46 examined) and very rarely marmosets or tamarins (family Callitrichidae, I especies out of 16). P. brasilianum was present in all infected species, P. simium in only two. The natural vector in the Southeastern and Southern regions was found to be Anopheles cruzi, but has not been conclusively identified in the Amazon. One natural, accidental human infection due to P. simium was observed. There is no evidence of the relation of the simian to human malaria in the Southeastern and Southern regions, where human malaria was eradicated in spite of the high rates of monkeys infected, but in the Amazon recent serological studies by other workers, revealing high positivity for P. brasilianum/P. malariae antibodies in local indians, would suggest that among them malaria might be regarded as a zoonosis.
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This investigation aimed at the detection of Mycobacterium tuberculosis (MTB) in the sputum of Suruí Indian subjects from Amazonia, Brazil. Polymerase chain reaction analyses were positive for12 samples, five of which were also culture-positive (N = 147). Four MTB genotypes were identified, one of which showed resistance to rifampicin and isoniazid. The study also highlighted one village complex as of particular importance, considering the relatively high number of tuberculosis cases reported and of MTB isolates obtained.
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En septiembre del año 2010, el Movimiento Nacional Campesino Indígena celebraba su Primer Congreso. Bajo el lema “Somos tierra para alimentar a los pueblos” compartieron y debatieron durante tres días. De este modo, reafirmaron su lucha por la Reforma Agraria Integral y la Soberanía Alimentaria. Se manifestaron por las calles de Buenos Aires para hacer visible “el otro campo”: el de los marginados, ocultados, los pobres, los excluidos del imaginario social, nacional, y también del acceso a los bienes necesarios para el desarrollo una vida digna
Resumo:
Dans cette recherche, je me suis intéressée à la genèse des rapports sociaux construisant un collectif, dans l'articulation être nommé et se nommer. En Uruguay, pays construit sur un imaginaire social dit "sans indiens", mon travail a consisté à essayer de comprendre les conditions historiques, sociales et politiques d'émergence de collectifs de personnes réclamant l'appartenance à une identité autochtone précise, l'identité charrùa. J'ai démontré qu'il s'agit d'un processus en cours, individuel et collectif, qui a des temporalités diverses, qui a néanmoins émergé depuis une vingtaine d'années, dans le contexte de la post-dictature et celui géopolitique de l'autochtonie, dans une articulation local/global. L'analyse dévoile que l'identité charrùa est l'enjeu du rapport social qui est la lutte politique contre l'exclusion. Cette identité accompagne l'état-nation depuis sa fondation. Figure duelle, cette identité contient les traces des violences internes dans un continuum de mémoires fragmentées et entrelacées. Elle est aussi promesse de devenir en tant que modèle identitaire parvenu à l'autonomie et conservant le « sens du collectif ». Anthropologue engagée, me situant dans une perspective décoloniale, j'ai proposé aux personnes avec qui j'ai effectué cette recherche, d'élaborer une ethnographie collaborative, la caméra et les films se situant au coeur du terrain, compris comme espace relationnel de construction d'une connaissance partagée. -- My research is based on the genesis of social relations which build up a collective, structured on being named and be named. My work in Uruguay, country built on a social construct called "without Indians", was to try to understand the historical, social and political conditions of emerging collectives. These claim the belonging of a precise indigenous identity, the charrua identity. I showed that the current process, which is individual and collective, with different temporalities, emerged twenty years ago, in the post-dictatorship context as well as the geopolitical context of indigeneity, in a local/global structure. The analysis reveals that the charrua identity is the stake of the social relation which is political fight against exclusion. This identity accompanies the nation state since its foundation. Dategory dual, this identity keeps the traces of the internal in the continuum of the fragmented and intertwined memories. This is also the becoming promise of an identity model, which reaches autonomy and keeps the "sense of collective". As an involved anthropologist, I worked from a decolonization point of view. I suggested that the people who went through the research with me, should work out a collaborative ethnography, the video camera and the movies being set in the middle of the fieldwork. This one is conceived as a relational space of construction of a shared knowledge.
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A number of recent investigations in man have demonstrated that a low ratio of fat to carbohydrate oxidation (i.e., a high respiratory quotient or RQ) was associated with actual and/or subsequent body weight gain in obese non-diabetic Pima Indians, in American men of various ages and in post-obese European women investigated shortly after the cessation of a hypocaloric diet. It is well known that numerous exogenous and endogenous factors influence the RQ at rest such as: the level of feeding (positive vs. negative energy balance), the composition of food eaten (high vs. low carbohydrate), the size of the glycogen stores, the amount of adipose tissue as well as genetic factors. It should be stressed that some nutritional situations can co-exist during which a low ratio of fat to carbohydrate is observed (i.e., a high RQ) despite weight loss. Furthermore, in most studies mentioned above, the low fat to carbohydrate oxidation ratio explains less than 10% of the variance in weight gain, suggesting that numerous additional factors also play a substantial role in the onset of weight gain. It is concluded that: 1) a low fat to carbohydrate oxidation ratio or an abnormal fat oxidation is difficult to define quantitatively since it is largely influenced by the energy level and the composition of the diet.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)
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Objetivo del artículo es reflexionar sobre el llamado «escándalo del Putumayo» estallado en la primera década del siglo XX, en la región objeto de litigio fronterizo entre Perú y Colombia. La denuncia en la prensa internacional de la explotación de los indígenas amazónicos hecha por la empresa «Peruvian Amazon Company», de la que el principal accionista fue el cauchero Julio C. Arana, presentó la región como un nuevo «Congo peruano» y provocó la intervención de Gran Bretaña, Perú, el Vaticano, Colombia y el propio Arana. A partir de repositorios documentales de la cancillería peruana, de los archivos de la Santa Sede, de la folletística y bibliografía publicada por las partes involucradas se plantea una reflexión sobre el escándalo, incidiendo en los argumentos sostenidos por las partes, en particular la peruanización de la región, defendida por Arana y el gobierno peruano.
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Objetivo del artículo es estudiar los cambios más significativos producidos en la región de Guarayos (Noroeste del departamento de Santa Cruz, Bolivia) como consecuencia de la secularización de las misiones franciscanas en la zona, aprobada en 1938/39, y la implantación de la Delegación Nacional de Guarayos encargada de completar el proceso de incorporación de la población guaraya a la «nacionalidad». En particular, se analiza el papel desempeñado por los «administradores », nuevos «gestores» de los territorios y bienes que entre 1939 y 1948 detentaron todo el poder en cada uno de los poblados y fueron los responsables principales de la decadencia económica y despoblación de la región con la connivencia de sus superiores jerárquicos y la incapacidad del Estado para hacerse presente en la convulsa política boliviana del período marcada por continuados golpes militares.
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Este estudio analiza los mecanismos desarrollados en el siglo XVI por el grupo Pipil de la región de los Izalcos que les permitieron mantener, aunque no en su totalidad, los aspectos esenciales de su organización socio-política prehispánica. Las autoridades tradicionales (caciques y principales) desempeñaron un papel fundamental en la adecuación de dicho sistema al modelo castellano impuesto, el cabildo indígena. También se demuestra cómo dicha institución, a pesar de ser totalmente ajena al orden prehispánico, constituyó una pieza clave para la supervivencia de su organización socio-política tradicional.
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El Aymara es un pueblo andino milenario dedicado al pastoreo y a la agricultura, que tiene su origen alrededor del lagoTiticaca, comprendiendo lo que en la actualidad es parte de Bolivia y Perú, norte de Chile y norte de Argentina. Todo lorelevante al orden Aymara se vincula con sus creencias que se manifiestan en ritos y ceremonias. En el mundo andino, elconcepto de salud no se restringe sólo al bienestar físico y psíquico, sino que incluye el equilibrio y bienestar social y económico de la persona, su relación armoniosa en su familia y comunidad, con sus difuntos, sus espíritus protectores, la Madre Tierra y en su convivencia correcta y afectuosa con lachacra y el ganado, con la casa y la naturaleza. En este artículo se revisan algunos aspectos del pensamiento Aymara, sucosmovisión, ética y praxis. Se comenta como la salud, la enfermedad y los procedimientos terapéuticos están mediatizados por la cultura. Se expone como ejemplo el "ProyectoDe Salud Intercultural Desde Una Maternidad" en un hospital de Chile, donde mujeres Aymaras tienen derecho a un parto integrador.
Resumo:
El Aymara es un pueblo andino milenario dedicado al pastoreo y a la agricultura, que tiene su origen alrededor del lagoTiticaca, comprendiendo lo que en la actualidad es parte de Bolivia y Perú, norte de Chile y norte de Argentina. Todo lorelevante al orden Aymara se vincula con sus creencias que se manifiestan en ritos y ceremonias. En el mundo andino, elconcepto de salud no se restringe sólo al bienestar físico y psíquico, sino que incluye el equilibrio y bienestar social y económico de la persona, su relación armoniosa en su familia y comunidad, con sus difuntos, sus espíritus protectores, la Madre Tierra y en su convivencia correcta y afectuosa con lachacra y el ganado, con la casa y la naturaleza. En este artículo se revisan algunos aspectos del pensamiento Aymara, sucosmovisión, ética y praxis. Se comenta como la salud, la enfermedad y los procedimientos terapéuticos están mediatizados por la cultura. Se expone como ejemplo el "ProyectoDe Salud Intercultural Desde Una Maternidad" en un hospital de Chile, donde mujeres Aymaras tienen derecho a un parto integrador.
Pulmonary-artery pressure and exhaled nitric oxide in Bolivian and Caucasian high altitude dwellers.
Resumo:
There is evidence that high altitude populations may be better protected from hypoxic pulmonary hypertension than low altitude natives, but the underlying mechanism is incompletely understood. In Tibetans, increased pulmonary respiratory NO synthesis attenuates hypoxic pulmonary hypertension. It has been speculated that this mechanism may represent a generalized high altitude adaptation pattern, but direct evidence for this speculation is lacking. We therefore measured systolic pulmonary-artery pressure (Doppler chocardiography) and exhaled nitric oxide (NO) in 34 healthy, middle-aged Bolivian high altitude natives and in 34 age- and sex-matched, well-acclimatized Caucasian low altitude natives living at high altitude (3600 m). The mean+/-SD systolic right ventricular to right atrial pressure gradient (24.3+/-5.9 vs. 24.7+/-4.9 mmHg) and exhaled NO (19.2+/-7.2 vs. 22.5+/-9.5 ppb) were similar in Bolivians and Caucasians. There was no relationship between pulmonary-artery pressure and respiratory NO in the two groups. These findings provide no evidence that Bolivian high altitude natives are better protected from hypoxic pulmonary hypertension than Caucasian low altitude natives and suggest that attenuation of pulmonary hypertension by increased respiratory NO synthesis may not represent a universal adaptation pattern in highaltitude populations.